揽瓜阁训练营 第214天（含CR，RC和DI题目）

小白斩鸡

之前大家对揽瓜阁精读的反馈很好，就想着自己的时间开始把一些精读的文章根据JJ出题目～ 然后focus上线，IR需求 大家也大。就想着 把揽瓜阁的阅读 逻辑 IR 都放在这贴里打卡 每日的解析在揽瓜阁2024群更新 RC题源：揽瓜阁精读的文章+机经的题目 CR题源：本月中文JJ改编 IR题源： 往届鸡精改编 打卡内容： 一周打卡五篇，科目不限。 每天上午管理员群内发布题目，群成员做完提交打卡，第二天发布解析 打卡内容建议： 阅读：写文章结构、笔记 逻辑：写逻辑链分析 IR：写做题思路和选项分析 【现在你的笔记越全，越能帮助你捋清思路，之后回顾总结。】 打卡方式： 可以在论坛留言区打卡，截图到群内 也可以在小红书/微博打卡，需写明任务内容是哪篇，并带上#揽瓜阁 #LGG #lgg 的 tag，截图到群内。 考试群： GMAT入群／揽瓜阁入群方式：https://forum.chasedream.com/thread-1382779-1-1.html 公众号：1.考什么试 2.商校百科 申请群 ChaseDream 2023 MBA 申请／校友答疑／面试群： https://forum.chasedream.com/thread-863011-1-1.html 2.英国，新加坡，美国，香港，德国商科申请群： 请加小白斩鸡进群（killgmat） 行业分享交流／职业规划群： https://forum.chasedream.com/thread-1388171-1-1.html 小红书： 1.留学+考试 最新消息 关注妥妥妥了 （小红书号：323014154） 2.求职+MBA 最新消息 关注元（小红书号：89540433000) 1.CR The number of left-handed people over the age of 80 is significantly lower than the number of left-handed people under 30. Which of the following, if true, would best explain this discrepancy? (A) Left-handed people have a lower life expectancy than right-handed people. (B) The proportion of left-handed people in the population has been steadily increasing over time. (C) Many left-handed children born over 80 years ago were forced to use their right hands. (D) People are more likely to be left-handed if their parents are also left-handed. (E) The number of people over 80 is much smaller than the number of people under 30. Coffee beans naturally contain caffeine, which can be removed using a solvent. However, this process affects the flavor of the beans. Recently, a genetically modified (GM) coffee bean has been developed that is naturally caffeine-free.Coffee made from these GM beans will provide the same flavor as regular coffee. Which of the following, if true, would most weaken the conclusion above? (A) The GM coffee beans are more expensive than regular coffee beans. (B) The solvent used to decaffeinate regular coffee beans can be detected in coffee made from GM beans if added after brewing. (C) Many coffee drinkers prefer decaffeinated coffee because it is perceived as healthier. (D) The genetic modification process alters the chemical composition of the coffee beans, affecting their flavor profile. (E) Coffee made from the GM beans contains the same antioxidants as coffee made from regular beans. CD There has been among historians a growing interest in the concept of "maternalism" as a way to explain variations in the political, social, and cultural behavior of women. At the same time there have been diverse and often contradictory assumptions about just what the term means.1 Maternalism has been used by U.S. historians to describe the ideology of eighteenth-century "Republican Motherhood," the beliefs of the nine-teenth-century Congress of Mothers, or the interest of twentieth-century progressive reformers. Believing that a comparative approach might yield some interesting results, I asked scholars who work on Imperial Russia, Germany, Japan, and the U.S. to think about how "maternalism" was played out as a strategy or discourse in their research area, and to suggest some limits and possibilities of "maternalism" as a paradigm for historical analysis. The ensuing discussion was complex and fascinating. Maternalism in the presentations and discussion was seen variously as feminist, antifeminist, conservative, progressive, radical; or some combination thereof. Taking as a starting point that "maternalism" implies a kind of empowered motherhood or public expression of those domestic values associated in some way with motherhood, the authors tended to focus on the relationship of maternalism to either state-building or to feminism. Adele Lindenmeyr's work on maternalism and child welfare in tsarist Russia suggested that for various material reasons the Russian case stood apart from that of the U.S. and Europe, because maternalist rhetoric and ideology appeared to be absent in the construction of policies affecting women and the state. In a different vein, Ann Taylor Allen's research on Germany Linked notions of maternalism to feminist ideology and action and found an evolving tradition of feminist support for state activism. In the case of Japan, Kathleen Uno argued that a tradition undermining the social importance of motherhood was replaced in the modern (1886-1945) era by Western notions of maternity which were supported by male Japanese nationalists. Molly Ladd-Taylor tested a very useful typology of U.S. maternalism on four groups of activists: the National Congress of Mothers, the Hull/House/Children's Bureau network, the National Association of Colored Women, and the National Women's party, and suggested the importance of recognizing distinctions between maternalist and other (e.g., feminist) politics of motherhood. Eileen Boris similarly argued for a flexible definition of maternalism, taking into account factors of race and class, and pointed out that in the case of the working women, the conflation of woman with mother holds myriad dangers. Finally, my own work on the La Leche League suggested some tensions embedded in the essentialist notions of empowered motherhood. In the case of the La Leche League, I used the term "maternalist" to describe the League's promotion of breastfeeding and a particular style of chüd nurture as a sodaUy beneficial activity in the mid-twentieth-century United States.2 League members took the private behavior of motherhood and invested it with public purpose. The League's notion of its own history and my interpretation alike seem to indicate that this use of the term "maternalism" embodies some contradictions. The League had been founded in 1956 to promote breastfeeding, natural childbirth, and an intense style of mothering, in part as a response to the influence of "scientific motherhood" and its emphasis on male expertise in obstetric and pediatric medicine.3 League founders believed they were reclaiming the practice and authority of motherhood for women, who would themselves determine the tuning and duration of breastfeeding as well as other mothering activities. This "good mothering through breastfeeding" would benefit society by nurturing babies and mothers in a way which would build a loving and trusting world. In an interview, several of the Leagues's founding mothers explained they were early feminists, for they wanted to control their bodies and challenge the authority of male experts in an era when such behavior was considered radical. Yet of course this maternalist ideology of empowerment through breastfeeding was not really "feminist'' in the way in which feminism is commonly defined.4 It does anticipate later concerns with women's health issues which are a strand of the feminist movement of the later 1960s and 1970s, especially the emphasis on "woman to woman" communication about mothering techniques (this is what the La Leche League groups are about). But still the League's essentialism limits the alternative social, economic, and political roles which are promoted by feminism; "good mothering through breastfeeding" by its nature criticizes maternal employment and valorizes full-time motherhood. On the one hand, La Leche maternalism empowered women by restoring a sense of self-esteem and autonomy to private behavior during an era when male "experts" seemed to dominate mothering. But on the other hand, by challenging maternal employment and other nondomestic public behavior, this ideology limited public roles. The limits of essentialism which are evident in this particular case involving physical manifestations of mothering may well exist in any maternalist ideology or movement. Irreducible assumptions about social or political behavior drawn from biology in the case of the League led to an ideology with both feminist and antifeminist aspects. The following papers present some further complexities involved in the evolving definition of "maternalism." clearly the construction of "motherhood" changes over time and place, and therefore "maternalism" which relies on definitions of motherhood is also a dynamic term with shifting meanings. The mid-twentieth-century maternalism of the La Leche League differs from the following versions, not least because of the focus on the private domestic sphere instead of the more commonly discussed public arena. Finally, the discussion about "maternalism as a paradigm" also draws attention to the term "paternalism," which relies on assumptions about a specific authoritarian style of fatherhood. The Oxford American Dictionary defines paternalism as "the policy of governing or controlling people in a paternal way, providing for their needs by giving them no responsibility." The term "maternalism" is missing from this dictionary, but the work of these and other scholars today will undoubtedly contribute to a wider usage of a word with both historical and contemporary significance. Q1. The author's discussion of the various interpretations of maternalism by scholars working on different countries and time periods serves to: (A) Demonstrate the superiority of the U.S. version of maternalism. (B) Argue for a single, unified definition of maternalism across contexts. (C) Illustrate the complexity and context-dependent nature of maternalism. (D) Critique the usefulness of maternalism as a paradigm for historical analysis. (E) Highlight the lack of scholarly interest in the concept of maternalism. Q2. Which of the following can be inferred about the relationship between maternalism and state-building based on the passage? (A) Maternalism always plays a central role in state-building processes. (B) Maternalism is irrelevant to state-building in all contexts. (C) The relationship between maternalism and state-building is consistent across countries. (D) Maternalism can have varying degrees of influence on state-building depending on the context. (E) Maternalism is a modern concept that did not influence historical state-building processes. Q3. The author's analysis of the La Leche League's maternalism suggests that: (A) Essentialist notions of motherhood always lead to entirely feminist ideologies. (B) Essentialist notions of motherhood always lead to entirely antifeminist ideologies. (C) Essentialist notions of motherhood can lead to ideologies with both feminist and antifeminist aspects. (D) Essentialist notions of motherhood are unrelated to the development of maternalist ideologies. (E) The La Leche League's maternalism was a purely feminist ideology. Q4. The passage suggests that the La Leche League's maternalism was: (A) A direct result of the scientific motherhood movement. (B) Identical to the maternalism of the nineteenth-century Congress of Mothers. (C) A reaction against the influence of male experts in child-rearing practices. (D) Unrelated to any historical or contemporary motherhood trends. (E) Primarily focused on promoting maternal employment. Q5. According to the passage, which of the following is true about the relationship between the La Leche League's maternalism and the feminist movement? (A) The La Leche League's maternalism was a direct product of the 1960s and 1970s feminist movement. (B) The La Leche League's maternalism was entirely opposed to all aspects of feminism. (C) The La Leche League's maternalism anticipated some concerns of the later feminist movement, but also contradicted others. (D) The La Leche League's maternalism was completely unrelated to any feminist ideas or movements. (E) The La Leche League's maternalism was the primary inspiration for the feminist movement of the 1960s and 1970s. Q6. The author's purpose in mentioning the Oxford American Dictionary's definition of "paternalism" is to: (A) Argue that paternalism is a more important concept than maternalism. (B) Suggest that maternalism and paternalism are interchangeable terms. (C) Criticize the dictionary for its lack of a definition for maternalism. (D) Illustrate the similarities between paternalism and maternalism. (E) Emphasize the need for a clear and widely accepted definition of maternalism. Q7. The passage implies that the concept of "motherhood" is: (A) Static and universally defined across all cultures and time periods. (B) Entirely socially constructed and unrelated to biological factors. (C) Always empowering for women in all contexts. (D) Shaped by both biological and social factors, and subject to change over time and place. (E) Irrelevant to the development of maternalist ideologies. Q8. Based on the passage, which of the following can be inferred about the author's view of the future of maternalism as a paradigm for historical analysis? (A) Maternalism will likely be abandoned as a paradigm due to its inherent contradictions and limitations. (B) Maternalism will become the dominant paradigm for analyzing women's history across all contexts. (C) The use of maternalism as a paradigm will remain limited to U.S. history. (D) The definition of maternalism will become more rigid and narrow over time. (E) The work of scholars will contribute to a more nuanced and context-dependent understanding of maternalism. Q1. 答案为C。作者讨论不同国家和时期学者对母性主义的各种解释,旨在说明母性主义的复杂性和依赖于语境的特点,而非其他选项所述。 Q2. 答案为D。根据文章,母性主义与国家建设的关系在不同国家有所不同,如在沙俄似乎没有母性主义对国家政策的影响,而在德国则有母性主义支持国家行动主义的传统。因此,母性主义对国家建设的影响程度取决于具体语境。 Q3. 答案为C。作者分析La Leche League的母性主义时指出,它挑战了男性专家权威、强调女性自主,具有女权主义色彩;但同时也批评母亲就业、强调全职母亲角色,体现出反女权主义的一面。因此,基于母性本质主义的观念可能导致兼具女权和反女权特点的意识形态。 Q4. 答案为C。文章表明,La Leche League的母性主义是对男性专家主导下的科学育儿运动的一种反应,试图重新夺回母亲在育儿中的权威。 Q5. 答案为C。La Leche League的母性主义预见了后来女权运动中关注女性健康问题的一些主张,但其强调全职母亲角色、批评母亲就业的观点又与女权主义相矛盾。因此,它与女权运动既有联系又有冲突。 Q6. 答案为E。作者提到牛津美国词典中"父权主义"的定义,是为了强调"母性主义"这个词还缺乏一个明确和广泛接受的定义,凸显学者们在这方面做工作的必要性。 Q7. 答案为D。文章暗示"母性"的概念受到生物和社会因素的共同影响,并随着时间和地点的不同而变化,而非一成不变或完全由社会建构。 Q8. 答案为E。基于文章,可以推断作者认为学者们的工作将有助于形成一种更加细致入微、因语境而异的母性主义理解,而不是其他选项所述的走向。 Brazil, the largest country in South America, is a land of contrasts, renowned for its stunning natural beauty, rich cultural heritage, and vibrant music and dance traditions. Among the most iconic and beloved of these traditions is the samba, a musical and dance style that has come to symbolize the very essence of Brazilian culture. Born in the late 19th century in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro, samba emerged as a fusion of African rhythms, European melodies, and indigenous influences, reflecting the complex history and diverse ethnic makeup of Brazilian society. Over the past century, samba has evolved from a marginalized and often persecuted art form to a national symbol and a global phenomenon, captivating audiences around the world with its infectious rhythms, intricate choreography, and exuberant costumes. Central to this transformation has been the rise of the samba schools, community-based organizations that have played a crucial role in preserving, promoting, and innovating samba culture. These schools, which originated in the favelas of Rio in the 1920s and 1930s, have become powerful cultural institutions, providing education, social support, and creative outlets for thousands of young people and serving as the backbone of the city's legendary Carnival celebrations. Carnival, which takes place annually in the week leading up to Lent, is the ultimate showcase for samba culture, attracting millions of visitors from around the globe and generating billions of dollars in revenue for the city and the country. During the festival, the top samba schools compete in a spectacular parade at the Sambadrome, a purpose-built stadium that can accommodate up to 90,000 spectators. Each school presents a elaborate themed performance featuring hundreds of dancers, musicians, and floats, all vying for the coveted title of Carnival champion. However, the success and global popularity of samba have also brought new challenges and controversies, as the art form has become increasingly commercialized and commodified. Some critics argue that the emphasis on competition and spectacle has led to a homogenization of samba styles and a loss of authenticity, as schools prioritize crowd-pleasing elements over traditional values and aesthetics. Others point to the growing influence of corporate sponsors and the media, which have transformed Carnival into a massive marketing platform and a showcase for consumerism and excess. Moreover, the rapid growth of tourism in Rio and other Brazilian cities has put increasing pressure on local communities and infrastructure, leading to concerns about gentrification, displacement, and the erosion of social and cultural fabric. In many favelas, residents have been forced to relocate to make way for new developments catering to tourists and wealthy elites, while rising costs of living and limited economic opportunities have made it increasingly difficult for traditional samba communities to survive and thrive. Despite these challenges, however, samba remains a vital and resilient art form, deeply rooted in the hearts and minds of the Brazilian people. In recent years, a new generation of samba artists and activists has emerged, working to preserve and promote the authentic traditions of the genre while also addressing issues of social justice, political resistance, and cultural empowerment. These artists, many of whom come from marginalized and underrepresented communities, are using samba as a tool for education, mobilization, and transformation, challenging dominant narratives and imagining new possibilities for the future. One example of this new wave of samba activism is the Samba de Resistência movement, which emerged in the wake of the 2016 Rio Olympics and the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff. Led by a coalition of samba schools, cultural organizations, and social movements, Samba de Resistência seeks to reclaim the radical roots of samba as a form of political and cultural resistance, using music and dance to critique social inequalities, defend human rights, and promote democratic values. Through performances, workshops, and community events, the movement has mobilized thousands of people across Brazil and beyond, creating new spaces for dialogue, solidarity, and collective action. Another important development in recent years has been the growing recognition and appreciation of women's contributions to samba culture. Historically, samba has been a male-dominated art form, with women often relegated to secondary roles as dancers and muses. However, a new generation of female samba artists and leaders is challenging these gender norms and asserting their agency and creativity in the face of persistent discrimination and marginalization. These women, such as Elza Soares, Teresa Cristina, and Mart'nália, are not only breaking barriers and achieving commercial success but also using their platforms to address issues of gender inequality, racial justice, and LGBTQ+ rights. As Brazil continues to navigate the challenges and opportunities of the 21st century, the future of samba will depend on its ability to adapt and evolve while remaining true to its roots and values. This will require a delicate balance between tradition and innovation, authenticity and experimentation, resistance and dialogue. It will also require a sustained commitment to education, empowerment, and social justice, ensuring that the benefits of samba's success are shared equitably among all members of society, especially those who have been historically marginalized and oppressed. One key challenge will be to address the ongoing tensions between the commercial and cultural dimensions of samba, finding ways to support and promote the art form without sacrificing its integrity or autonomy. This may involve developing new models of funding and sponsorship that prioritize community ownership and control, as well as fostering greater collaboration and solidarity among samba schools, artists, and activists. It may also require a more critical and reflexive approach to issues of cultural appropriation and commodification, acknowledging the complex power dynamics and ethical implications of samba's global popularity. Another important task will be to deepen and expand the connections between samba and other forms of Brazilian culture, such as literature, film, visual arts, and gastronomy. By situating samba within a broader cultural ecosystem, it may be possible to create new opportunities for cross-pollination, experimentation, and innovation, while also reinforcing the art form's relevance and vitality in the face of changing social and economic conditions. This could involve collaborations with artists and institutions from other disciplines, as well as the development of new educational and outreach programs that engage diverse audiences and communities. Ultimately, the future of samba will be shaped by the collective efforts and aspirations of the Brazilian people, who have always been the heart and soul of this remarkable art form. Through their creativity, resilience, and determination, they have overcome countless obstacles and challenges, forging a cultural legacy that continues to inspire and transform the world. As long as there are people willing to dance, sing, and dream to the rhythm of the samba, its spirit will endure, adapting and evolving to meet the needs and desires of each new generation. 1. According to the passage, what is one of the main challenges facing samba in the 21st century? A. Balancing tradition and innovation while maintaining authenticity B. Increasing samba's global popularity and commercial success C. Preserving samba's exclusive male-dominated nature D. Separating samba from other forms of Brazilian culture 2. The passage suggests that the Samba de Resistência movement aims to: A. Promote samba as a purely entertainment-oriented art form B. Discourage women from participating in samba performances C. Use samba as a tool for political and cultural resistance D. Minimize the influence of marginalized communities in samba 3. The author mentions the contributions of female samba artists like Elza Soares, Teresa Cristina, and Mart'nália to highlight: A. The declining importance of male artists in contemporary samba B. The challenges women face in asserting their agency and creativity in samba culture C. The lack of commercial success achieved by female samba artists D. The limited influence of women in addressing social and political issues through samba 4. According to the passage, fostering greater collaboration and solidarity among samba schools, artists, and activists could help: A. Eliminate the need for funding and sponsorship in samba B. Reduce the global popularity and reach of samba C. Support and promote samba without compromising its integrity or autonomy D. Limit experimentation and innovation within samba traditions 5. The passage suggests that situating samba within a broader cultural ecosystem could lead to all of the following EXCEPT: A. New opportunities for cross-pollination and experimentation B. Reinforcement of samba's relevance and vitality C. Increased engagement with diverse audiences and communities D. Complete isolation of samba from other Brazilian cultural forms 6. A 7. C 8. B 9. C 10. D

Stella-Zhongli

Day 214 CR 1. ``` 解释为什么80岁以上的左撇子人数比30岁以下的人更小（注意是人数，不是比率；以及80岁以上是人少，而不是人多，大小关系注意！） ``` 关键点：一定要联系年龄和左右惯用手 ANS：80年前出生的左撇子被改成了右手惯用手 2. ``` C：Coffee made from these GM beans will provide the same flavor as regular coffee. ``` 削弱：GM beans和regular coffee口味不一样 ANS： The genetic modification process alters the chemical composition of the coffee beans, affecting their flavor profile. RC-1 文章背景：用maternalism解释女性在政治社会和文化行为的变化。 文章主题：Maternalism的定义是diverse and contradictory的，在U.S.不同的人对它的定义都不一样。所以作者邀请不同国家的人去思考她们是怎么用maternalism分析历史 作者实验结果概述：maternalism在不同的context(背景，环境)下是非常不同甚至矛盾 上面实验结果具体实验内容展开： 关于the relationship of maternalism to either state-building or to feminism : Adele Lindenmeyr in tsarist Russia认为maternalism不影响policies，Ann Taylor Allen's research on Germany认为有关系，Japan, Kathleen Uno认为在1886-1945年间有关系 Molly Ladd-Taylor，U.S.认为maternalist和feminist等其它politics of motherhood不一样。Eileen Boris同样观点。my own work on the La Leche League：empowered motherhood有一些矛盾点 League强调母乳喂养，反对"scientific motherhood"（male expertise in obstetric and pediatric medicine产科和儿科），属于早期的女性主义 虽然是早期的女性主义，但是LLL和女性主义还是差别很大 LLL同时含有女性主义以及anti女性主义：自主带孩子&限制public roles :challenging maternal employment and other nondomestic public behavior complexities involved in the evolving definition of "maternalism."继续举例 Maternalism未来也会有更广的historical and contemporary 的用处 RC-2 Samba简介 Samba变得全球化，并且有了很多samba schools 介绍samba比赛盛典 carnival Samba繁荣流行背后带来的New challenges and controversies Despite这些忧患，samba还是在克服这些缺点并且向好的方向发展：preserve and promote the authentic traditions of the genre while also addressing issues of social justice, political resistance, and cultural empowerment 举例support上面的观点 Samba进步的第二点：the growing recognition and appreciation of women's contributions to samba culture Samba要继续向好的方向发展需要的条件以及要解决的问题：the future of samba will depend on its ability to adapt and evolve while remaining true to its roots and values 未来需要解决的问题以及发展方向：commercial and cultural dimensions& deepen and expand the connections between samba and other forms of Brazilian culture 总结：巴西人民加油努力好好干，samba会依旧繁荣

Florence77

Day 214 maternalism 1.C 全文一直在阐述概念的复杂性 2.C P3 多个国家举例 正确答案D 3.C Irreducible assumptions about social or political behavior drawn from biology in the case of the League led to an ideology with both feminist and antifeminist aspects. 4.C Leagues's founding mothers explained they were early feminists, for they wanted to control their bodies and challenge the authority of male experts in an era when such behavior was considered radical. 5. C It does anticipate later concerns with women's health issues which are a strand of the feminist movement of the later 1960s and 1970s, especially the emphasis on "woman to woman" communication about mothering techniques (this is what the La Leche League groups are about). But still the League's essentialism limits the alternative social, economic, and political roles which are promoted by feminism 6. D的paternalism含义也部分符合maternalism 正确答案E 7. D 从全文脉络可知 8.E but the work of these and other scholars today will undoubtedly contribute to a wider usage of a word with both historical and contemporary significance.

杨翠花

CR，我的选项ED，答案CD
1. P：80岁以上的人里面左撇子的人数比30岁以下的人里的左撇子人数少。
原因解释题
逻辑链条：bias，天然地80岁以上的人数本身就少。
我选E：80岁以上的人整体人数比30岁以下的人数少【进而推断出80岁以上的人里左撇子人数更少】
答案C：有点费解。

2. P：含有咖啡因的咖啡豆通过添加solvent就可以变成低因，但是这个工序会影响咖啡豆的味道。最近有种转基因的豆子可以产生天然不含咖啡因
C：用这转基因豆子做出来的咖啡味道闻regular咖啡一样
削弱题，立场：用这种转基因豆子做出来的咖啡味道跟regular的味道不一样
逻辑链条：会有其他因素使得因果关系不成立
我选D：转基因咖啡豆的工序改变了咖啡豆的化学合成，进行影响了 口味。【直接说出转基因的技术过程改变了味道 这个因素直接使得因果关系不成立