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There has been among historians a growing interest in the concept of "maternalism" as a way to explain variations in the political, social, and cultural behavior of women. At the same time there have been diverse and often contradictory assumptions about just what the term means.1 Maternalism has been used by U.S. historians to describe the ideology of eighteenth-century "Republican Motherhood," the beliefs of the nine-teenth-century Congress of Mothers, or the interest of twentieth-century progressive reformers. Believing that a comparative approach might yield some interesting results, I asked scholars who work on Imperial Russia, Germany, Japan, and the U.S. to think about how "maternalism" was played out as a strategy or discourse in their research area, and to suggest some limits and possibilities of "maternalism" as a paradigm for historical analysis. The ensuing discussion was complex and fascinating. Maternalism in the presentations and discussion was seen variously as feminist, antifeminist, conservative, progressive, radical; or some combination thereof. Taking as a starting point that "maternalism" implies a kind of empowered motherhood or public expression of those domestic values associated in some way with motherhood, the authors tended to focus on the relationship of maternalism to either state-building or to feminism. Adele Lindenmeyr's work on maternalism and chüd welfare in tsarist Russia suggested that for various material reasons the Russian case stood apart from that of the U.S. and Europe, because maternalist rhetoric and ideology appeared to be absent in the construction of policies affecting women and the state. In a different vein, Ann Taylor Allen's research on Germany Linked notions of maternalism to feminist ideology and action and found an evolving tradition of feminist support for state activism. In the case of Japan, Kathleen Uno argued that a tradition undermining the social importance of motherhood was replaced in the modern (1886-1945) era by Western notions of maternity which were supported by male Japanese nationalists. Molly Ladd-Taylor tested a very useful typology of U.S. maternalism on four groups of activists: the National Congress of Mothers, the Hull House/Children's Bureau network, the National Association of Colored Women, and the National Women's party, and suggested the importance of recognizing distinctions between maternalist and other (e.g., feminist) politics of motherhood. Eileen Boris similarly argued for a flexible definition of maternalism, taking into account factors of race and class, and pointed out that in the case of the working women, the conflation of woman with mother holds myriad dangers. Finally, my own work on the La Leche League suggested some tensions embedded in the essentialist notions of empowered motherhood. In the case of the La Leche League, I used the term "maternalist" to describe the League's promotion of breastfeeding and a particular style of chüd nurture as a sodaUy beneficial activity in the mid-twentieth-century United States.2 League members took the private behavior of motherhood and invested it with pubHc purpose. The League's notion of its own history and my interpretation alike seem to indicate that this use of the term "maternalism" embodies some contradictions. The League had been founded in 1956 to promote breastfeeding, natural childbirth, and an intense style of mothering, in part as a response to the influence of "scientific motherhood" and its emphasis on male expertise in obstetric and pediatric medicine. League founders believed they were reclaiming the practice and authority of motherhood for women, who would themselves determine the tuning and duration of breastfeeding as well as other mothering activities. This "good mothering through breastfeeding" would benefit society by nurturing babies and mothers in a way which would build a loving and trusting world. In an interview, several of the Leagues's founding mothers explained they were early feminists, for they wanted to control their bodies and challenge the authority of male experts in an era when such behavior was considered radical. Yet of course this maternalist ideology of empowerment through breastfeeding was not really "feminist'' in the way in which feminism is commonly defined.4 It does anticipate later concerns with women's health issues which are a strand of the feminist movement of the later 1960s and 1970s, especially the emphasis on "woman to woman" communication about mothering techniques (this is what the La Leche League groups are about). But still the League's essentialism limits the alternative social, economic, and political roles which are promoted by feminism; "good mothering through breastfeeding" by its nature criticizes maternal employment and valorizes fuU-time motherhood. On the one hand, La Leche maternalism empowered women by restoring a sense of self-esteem and autonomy to private behavior during an era when male "experts" seemed to dominate mothering. But on the other hand, by challenging maternal employment and other nondomestic public behavior, this ideology limited public roles. The limits of essentialism which are evident in this particular case involving physical manifestations of mothering may well exist in any maternalist ideology or movement. irreducible assumptions about social or political behavior drawn from biology in the case of the League led to an ideology with both feminist and antifeminist aspects. The following papers present some further complexities involved in the evolving definition of "maternalism." clearly the construction of "motherhood" changes over time and place, and therefore "maternalism" which relies on definitions of motherhood is also a dynamic term with shifting meanings. The mid-twentieth-century maternalism of the La Leche League differs from the following versions, not least because of the focus on the private domestic sphere instead of the more commonly discussed public arena. finally, the discussion about "maternalism as a paradigm" also draws attention to the term "paternalism," which relies on assumptions about a specific authoritarian style of fatherhood. The Oxford American Dictionary defines paternalism as "the policy of governing or controlling people in a paternal way, providing for their needs by giving them no responsibility."5 The term "maternalism" is missing from this dictionary, but the work of these and other scholars today will undoubtedly contribute to a wider usage of a word with both historical and contemporary significance.
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发表于 2023-9-5 09:16:51
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