揽瓜阁训练营 第140天（含CR，RC和DI题目）

小白斩鸡

之前大家对揽瓜阁精读的反馈很好，就想着自己的时间开始把一些精读的文章根据JJ出题目～ 然后focus上线，IR需求 大家也大。就想着 把揽瓜阁的阅读 逻辑 IR 都放在这贴里打卡

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1.CR
Xiao Bai, a renowned GMAT teacher, conducted an experiment to investigate the effectiveness of a novel teaching approach, the "Zhan Ji" method, in improving students' GMAT scores. He randomly assigned students into two groups: the treatment group, which received the Zhan Ji teaching method, and the control group, which received a traditional teaching method. After the experiment, Xiao Bai observed that the treatment group achieved significantly higher GMAT scores compared to the control group. He concluded that the Zhan Ji method was effective in improving GMAT performance.
Which of the following, if true, would most strongly challenge Xiao Bai's conclusion?
(A) A survey of Xiao Bai's students revealed that those in the treatment group reported higher levels of satisfaction with the Zhan Ji method compared to those in the control group.
(B) An analysis of the students' background information showed that the treatment group had, on average, higher undergraduate GPAs than the control group.
(C) A follow-up study by Xiao Bai found that the treatment group maintained their higher GMAT scores one year after the initial experiment.
(D) An independent review of Xiao Bai's experiment found that the students in the treatment group had, on average, more prior exposure to GMAT-related content compared to those in the control group.
(E) A subsequent experiment by another GMAT teacher using the same Zhan Ji method found no significant difference in GMAT scores between the treatment and control groups.

In ancient times, when people saw movement in the grass, they often assumed that it was caused by a dangerous animal, even if the movement was actually due to the wind. This assumption, though sometimes incorrect, likely increased their chances of survival by making them more cautious and alert to potential threats. In modern times, some people tend to make the error of overestimating the likelihood of danger, while others tend to make the error of underestimating it.
The tendency to assume danger when seeing movement in the grass is most likely a result of:
(A) the development of advanced warning systems that can accurately detect threats
(B) the evolutionary advantage conferred by a heightened sensitivity to potential threats
(C) the influence of modern media, which often exaggerates the prevalence of dangerous animals
(D) the increased prevalence of dangerous animals in ancient times compared to modern times
(E) the inherent human preference for caution and risk avoidance in all situations

DB


2.RC
Scholars have long speculated about the causes of both the rise and the dramatic collapse of the Classic Maya (c. C.E. 250-950) of Mesoamerica. Their rise has been considered anomalous because Maya civilization seemed to deviate from the many examples documenting a close relationship between the control of water and political power (e.g., Fagan 1999:248-252; Weber 1964:31; Wittfogel 1957; Wortman 1985). In Mesopotamia, Egypt, China, the Indus Valley, Andean South America, and central Mexico, for example, ancient civilizations emerged in areas with natural water sources and agricultural land that supported a densely settled subject populace; elite control of water for agricultural production allowed leaders to exact tribute from the local population. In contrast, southern Maya kings in lowland jungles often ruled from civic-ceremonial centers in areas with fertile land, but without natural water sources, suggesting that power was unrelated to water control in these cases.

I argue that scholars have overlooked the importance of the control of artificial reservoirs by Maya rulers and suggest that control of this type of water resource played a critical role in the florescence of Maya civilization and in its later collapse. Further, I suggest that a focus on the control of artificial reservoirs helps explain differences in the historical trajectories of large and small Maya settlements. In large regional civic-ceremonial centers, Maya rulers lost the means to control water in the Terminal Classic (c. C.E. 850-950) because of climatic changes, resulting in the collapse of power. Minor and secondary centers in areas less dependent on water control, by contrast, survived the drought and avoided collapse.

The power of Maya rulers―particularly their ability to exact tribute, or surplus labor and goods, from others―derived from a complex relationship among a number of factors, particularly the location of the center from where they ruled, its seasonal water supply, the amount of agricultural land, and settlement density. I outline the specific relationship among these factors below.

A problem with any model is that it cannot account for every situation, as is the case when attempting to explain the Maya collapse. The model I present does not account for the political histories of every Maya center but provides a general organizational framework by which to evaluate how water control and political power figured in the rise and fall of political leadership among the Maya. I focus on the processes of collapse that occur once they are set in motion rather than presenting a new cause. This approach, thus, does not discount earlier perspectives but views them as local events rather than pan-Maya explanations.

Generally, densely settled areas where people are tied to the land because of subsistence technology (e.g., plowed fields, canals, dams, agricultural terraces, fish ponds, transportation, storage facilities) facilitate the rise of consolidated political power (Gilman 1981) because leaders can more easily control access to critical resources, people, and their surplus (Earle 1997:7). Conversely, scattered resources are harder to monopolize and result in dispersed populations that are more difficult to integrate. Maya rulers faced particular difficulties in drawing farmers close to the ceremonial-civic centers over which they ruled. The majority of farmers lived dispersed in farmsteads throughout non center or hinterland areas, mirroring the patch like distribution of fertile land (Dunning 1998; Fedick and Ford 1990; Rice 1993; Sanders 1977). Maya farmers used a combination of agricultural techniques including house gardens; short-fallow infields; long-fallow outfields to grow maize, beans, and squash (Flannery 1982; Harrison and Turner 1978; Killion 1990); and various types of intensive agricultural techniques such as raised fields, dams, canals, and terraces (Dunning 1997). However, few or none of these techniques appear to have been under elite control (Demarest 1992; Tourtellot 1993; cf. Marcus 1982). Other farmers lived near or in centers, where they may not have stayed during the labor-intensive rainy seasons, especially if their fields were at some distance, requiring the use of field houses (e.g., Ford 1992; Lucero 1999a; Webster 1992). In addition, some farmers may have had to find new land in the face of growing population and increasing competition over land, especially during the Classic period (Ford 1991b; Tourtellot 1993). Hinterland Maya farming communities also may have been relatively economically self-sufficient (Lucero 2001). Consequently, the ruling elite needed to integrate not only a relatively dispersed and self-sufficient populace but also one that may have been somewhat mobile (Drennan 1988; Ford 1990; Santley 1990).

That these rulers were able to do so is primarily because of the nature of seasonal rainfall and water availability in the area. Particularly significant is the four-month annual drought, from January to May. This had particular consequences in regions lacking rivers and lakes such as those where the regional centers Tikal, Caracol, and Calakmul emerged (Figure 1). The lack of surface water for four months every year required the Maya to devise ways to store water. Rather than concentrate people through a dependence on agricultural technologies, rulers concentrated an even more vital resource, drinking water. The earliest rulers of Tikal, Caracol, Calakmul, and other centers organized the construction and maintenance of large artificial reservoirs in center cores next to temples and other monumental architecture. Rulers' control of reservoirs during seasonal drought combined with their performance of associated rituals, facilitated dry-season nucleation at these centers, and lessened the need for hinterland communities to build their own reservoirs (Lucero 1999c).

1. The author's primary purpose in writing this passage is to
(A) challenge the conventional understanding of the relationship between water control and political power in ancient civilizations
(B) propose a new theory that explains the anomalous rise and fall of the Classic Maya civilization
(C) argue that the control of artificial reservoirs was a critical factor in the flourishing and eventual collapse of Maya political power
(D) demonstrate how the Maya civilization differed from other ancient civilizations in its use of agricultural techniques
(E) highlight the importance of considering local factors when analyzing the collapse of ancient civilizations

2. The author's argument about the role of artificial reservoirs in the rise and fall of Maya civilization hinges on which of the following assumptions?
(A) The majority of Maya farmers lived in close proximity to the civic-ceremonial centers.
(B) The ruling elite's control over agricultural surplus was the primary source of their political power.
(C) The Maya civilization was unique among ancient civilizations in its reliance on artificial reservoirs.
(D) Climatic changes leading to prolonged droughts were the sole cause of the Maya civilization's collapse.
(E) The seasonal drought and the need for drinking water storage made the population more dependent on the ruling elite.

3. According to the passage, which of the following best describes the relationship between the location of Maya farmers and the ability of rulers to control them?
(A) The dispersed nature of the population made it easier for rulers to exact tribute.
(B) The concentration of farmers near the ceremonial-civic centers facilitated elite control.
(C) The mobility of farmers in search of new agricultural land strengthened the power of the elite.
(D) The self-sufficiency of hinterland farming communities posed a challenge to elite control.
(E) The use of field houses during the rainy season allowed rulers to monitor and control farmers.

4. The author mentions the political histories of individual Maya centers primarily to
(A) provide evidence supporting the proposed model of the relationship between water control and political power
(B) suggest that the model may not be applicable to all Maya centers
(C) argue that local factors were more important than regional ones in the collapse of Maya civilization
(D) demonstrate the diversity and complexity of Maya political organization
(E) challenge earlier theories about the causes of the Maya civilization's collapse

5. Which of the following, if true, would most undermine the author's argument about the importance of artificial reservoirs in the rise and fall of Maya political power?
(A) Evidence that the construction and maintenance of artificial reservoirs required a significant amount of labor and resources
(B) The discovery of extensive agricultural terraces and irrigation systems under elite control in major Maya centers
(C) Indications that the collapse of Maya civilization in the Terminal Classic period was preceded by a period of increased rainfall
(D) The finding that the ruling elite in large Maya centers had direct control over long-distance trade networks
(E) Evidence that the artificial reservoirs in the cores of major Maya centers were used primarily for ritual purposes rather than drinking water

6. The passage suggests that which of the following was a key difference between large regional civic-ceremonial centers and minor or secondary centers in the Maya civilization?
(A) The degree of elite control over agricultural production
(B) The extent of economic self-sufficiency of the local population
(C) The reliance on artificial reservoirs for water supply during seasonal droughts
(D) The use of intensive agricultural techniques such as raised fields and terraces
(E) The level of population density and settlement patterns in the surrounding areas

7. The author's discussion of the various agricultural techniques used by Maya farmers serves to
(A) emphasize the importance of elite control over agricultural production in maintaining political power
(B) demonstrate that these techniques were not sufficient to support the population without the use of artificial reservoirs
(C) suggest that the diversity of techniques used made it more difficult for the elite to control farmers
(D) support the idea that the Maya civilization was not dependent on elite control of water resources for agricultural production
(E) highlight the adaptability and resilience of Maya farmers in the face of environmental challenges

8. Based on the information in the passage, which of the following can be inferred about the author's perspective on the relationship between water control and political power in ancient civilizations?
(A) The author believes that the control of water resources was the single most important factor in the rise and fall of ancient civilizations.
(B) The author suggests that the relationship between water control and political power was more complex and varied among ancient civilizations than previously thought.
(C) The author argues that the Maya civilization was an exception to the general pattern of water control and political power in ancient civilizations.
(D) The author maintains that the relationship between water control and political power was largely irrelevant to the development of ancient civilizations.
(E) The author asserts that the control of agricultural land and surplus was always more important than water control in determining political power in ancient civilizations.

C
E
D
B
C
C
D
B




3.DI
The Dragon Boat Festival, also known as the Duanwu Festival, is a traditional Chinese holiday with a rich history and cultural significance. The festival, which falls on the fifth day of the fifth month of the lunar calendar, commemorates the life and death of Qu Yuan, a renowned poet and minister from the ancient state of Chu during the Warring States period (475-221 BCE).

Qu Yuan, born into a noble family, was a loyal and patriotic minister who dedicated his life to serving his king and country. He was known for his exceptional literary talents and his unwavering commitment to justice and integrity. However, despite his loyalty and competence, Qu Yuan faced political rivalries and was eventually exiled by the king due to the slanderous accusations of his enemies.

In exile, Qu Yuan wandered the countryside, expressing his sorrow and frustration through his poetry. His most famous work, "Li Sao" (The Lament), is a long poem that reflects on his life, his political ideals, and his deep love for his country. The poem, which is considered a masterpiece of Chinese literature, has been studied and admired for over two millennia.

As the state of Chu faced increasing threats from the neighboring state of Qin, Qu Yuan grew increasingly concerned about the fate of his homeland. In a final act of despair and protest, he drowned himself in the Miluo River on the fifth day of the fifth month in 278 BCE.

According to legend, the local people, who admired Qu Yuan for his patriotism and integrity, raced out in boats to search for his body and threw packets of rice into the river to prevent fish from consuming his remains. These practices are believed to have evolved into the modern customs of dragon boat racing and eating zongzi, a type of glutinous rice dumpling wrapped in bamboo leaves.

Over time, the Dragon Boat Festival has become a significant cultural event, not only in China but also in other parts of Asia and around the world. The festival is celebrated with various activities, including dragon boat races, zongzi making and eating competitions, and the wearing of perfume pouches believed to ward off evil spirits.

The dragon boat races, which are the most iconic event of the festival, have a long and storied history. The boats, which are typically decorated with colorful dragon heads and tails, are manned by teams of paddlers who race to the beat of drums and gongs. The races are believed to symbolize the search for Qu Yuan's body and have become a symbol of unity, perseverance, and teamwork.

Zongzi, the traditional food of the Dragon Boat Festival, also has a rich cultural significance. The dumplings, which are made from glutinous rice and various fillings such as pork, beans, and chestnuts, are wrapped in bamboo leaves and steamed. The process of making zongzi is often a family affair, with generations coming together to prepare the dumplings and pass down traditional recipes.

In recent years, the Dragon Boat Festival has also become a major economic driver in China. A study conducted by the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences found that the festival generates over 30 billion yuan (4.5 billion USD) in revenue each year, with the zongzi industry alone worth around 10 billion yuan (1.5 billion USD).

The study also found that the festival has a significant impact on the tourism industry, with an estimated 100 million domestic trips taken during the holiday period. Many cities and towns across China host dragon boat races and cultural events, attracting tourists from across the country and around the world.

However, the festival's growth and commercialization have also raised concerns about its environmental impact. The use of bamboo leaves for wrapping zongzi, in particular, has led to concerns about deforestation and ecological sustainability. An estimated 200,000 tons of bamboo leaves are used annually for this purpose, putting pressure on bamboo forests and ecosystems.

To address these concerns, some local governments and businesses have launched initiatives to promote the use of eco-friendly materials and to encourage the recycling of used bamboo leaves. In some areas, zongzi makers have started using alternative materials such as reed leaves or even plastic wraps, although these have been met with mixed reactions from consumers.

Despite these challenges, the Dragon Boat Festival remains an important part of Chinese cultural heritage and a cherished tradition for millions of people around the world. The festival's themes of loyalty, patriotism, and perseverance continue to resonate with people of all ages and backgrounds, and serve as a reminder of the enduring values and ideals that have shaped Chinese culture for centuries.

The Dragon Boat Festival is not only a time for celebration and remembrance but also a time for reflection on the values and ideals that Qu Yuan embodied. His loyalty, integrity, and dedication to his country have made him a symbol of patriotism and a role model for generations of Chinese people.

In recent years, there has been a growing interest in the cultural and historical significance of the Dragon Boat Festival, both within China and around the world. Scholars and researchers have studied the festival from various perspectives, including its origins, evolution, and cultural impact.

One area of research has focused on the literary legacy of Qu Yuan and the influence of his poetry on Chinese literature and culture. Qu Yuan's works, particularly "Li Sao," have been widely studied and translated, and have inspired countless poets and writers over the centuries.

Another area of research has examined the social and political dimensions of the Dragon Boat Festival, particularly its role in promoting social cohesion and national identity. The festival's emphasis on unity, perseverance, and teamwork has been seen as a way of bringing people together and fostering a sense of shared purpose and belonging.

In addition to its cultural and social significance, the Dragon Boat Festival has also been studied for its economic impact. As mentioned earlier, the festival generates significant revenue for the tourism and food industries, and has become an important driver of economic growth in many parts of China.

However, the commercialization of the festival has also raised concerns about the erosion of its traditional values and the loss of its cultural authenticity. Some critics have argued that the festival has become overly commercialized and has lost touch with its roots as a time for remembrance and reflection.

To address these concerns, there have been efforts to promote the cultural and historical significance of the festival and to encourage a more authentic and meaningful celebration of its traditions. This has included the revival of traditional dragon boat racing techniques, the promotion of traditional zongzi recipes, and the organization of cultural events and exhibitions that highlight the festival's rich history and cultural heritage.

Overall, the Dragon Boat Festival remains a vital and vibrant part of Chinese culture, with a rich history and a deep cultural significance. Its themes of loyalty, patriotism, and perseverance continue to resonate with people around the world, and its traditions continue to be celebrated and cherished by millions of people each year.

As China continues to grow and evolve, the Dragon Boat Festival will undoubtedly continue to play an important role in the country's cultural and social fabric. Its enduring popularity and significance are a testament to the power of tradition and the enduring appeal of the values and ideals that it represents.

Looking to the future, it will be important to balance the commercialization and growth of the festival with the need to preserve its cultural authenticity and traditional values. This will require a concerted effort from all stakeholders, including government, businesses, and local communities, to ensure that the festival remains a meaningful and authentic celebration of Chinese culture and heritage.

By working together to promote and preserve the cultural significance of the Dragon Boat Festival, we can ensure that it remains a vital and enduring part of Chinese culture for generations to come, and continues to inspire and unite people around the world in the spirit of loyalty, patriotism, and perseverance that Qu Yuan embodied.

Q1. Qu Yuan's most famous work, "Li Sao," is primarily a reflection on which of the following themes?
(A) The beauty of nature and the changing seasons
(B) The joys and sorrows of romantic love
(C) The political ideals and deep love for his country
(D) The importance of filial piety and family bonds

Q2. The dragon boat races held during the Dragon Boat Festival are believed to symbolize:
(A) The search for Qu Yuan's body
(B) The battle between the Chu and Qin states
(C) The celebration of the summer solstice
(D) The worship of the dragon deities

Q3. According to the passage, which of the following is NOT mentioned as a concern related to the commercialization of the Dragon Boat Festival?
(A) The erosion of traditional values
(B) The loss of cultural authenticity
(C) The environmental impact of using bamboo leaves for zongzi
(D) The decline in the number of people participating in the festival

Q4. The passage suggests that the Dragon Boat Festival plays a role in promoting:
(A) Economic growth and tourism
(B) Social cohesion and national identity
(C) Literary and artistic creativity
(D) Environmental sustainability and eco-friendly practices

Q5. The passage mentions that in recent years, some zongzi makers have started using alternative materials such as:
(A) Plastic wraps and aluminum foil
(B) Reed leaves and plastic wraps
(C) Corn husks and banana leaves
(D) Silk and cotton fabrics

Q6. The growing international recognition and popularity of the Dragon Boat Festival have contributed to:
(A) The commercialization and erosion of traditional values
(B) The decline in the number of people participating in the festival
(C) Greater cultural understanding and dialogue between China and the rest of the world
(D) The increased use of eco-friendly materials for zongzi production

Q7. The passage suggests that to ensure the Dragon Boat Festival remains a meaningful and authentic celebration of Chinese culture, it is important to:
(A) Focus solely on the commercial aspects of the festival to drive economic growth
(B) Discourage the participation of international communities in festival events
(C) Balance the commercialization and growth of the festival with the preservation of its cultural authenticity and traditional values
(D) Limit the festival celebrations to only certain parts of China to maintain its regional significance

Q8. Which of the following best summarizes the main idea of the passage?
(A) The Dragon Boat Festival is a significant cultural event that has faced challenges due to commercialization but remains an important part of Chinese heritage and a platform for cultural exchange.
(B) The Dragon Boat Festival is primarily an economic driver for the tourism and food industries in China, with little cultural or historical significance.
(C) The Dragon Boat Festival is a celebration of the life and death of Qu Yuan, but has lost its relevance in modern Chinese society.
(D) The Dragon Boat Festival is an international event that has no connection to Chinese culture or heritage.

Q9. The passage mentions that Qu Yuan's works, particularly "Li Sao," have:
(A) Been largely forgotten and have little influence on modern Chinese literature
(B) Been widely studied, translated, and have inspired countless poets and writers over the centuries
(C) Been criticized for their overly complex language and themes
(D) Had a minimal impact on Chinese culture beyond the Dragon Boat Festival

Q10. According to the passage, efforts to promote a more authentic and meaningful celebration of the Dragon Boat Festival's traditions have included:
(A) The commercialization of dragon boat races and zongzi production
(B) The revival of traditional dragon boat racing techniques and the promotion of traditional zongzi recipes
(C) The discouragement of international participation in festival events
(D) The replacement of traditional materials used in zongzi preparation with modern, eco-friendly alternatives
C
A
D
B
B
C
C
A
B
B

小白毛大侠

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Stephanie727

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jeilham

00000000000000000

vicky37

1. D
A. higher levels of satisfaction与成绩无关
B. 更高的GPA与GMAT不一定有关
C. 增强结论
D. 更多的prior expossure可能成为影响对照实验的原因，削弱结论
E. 另一组对照实验并不能否定本组实验，不如B

2. D
A. 能accurately detect threats与tendency to assume danger应该成反比关系
B. evolutionary advantage反对了题目的结论，现代人比古代更不容易assume danger
C. 与B一样反对题目结论
D. 最符合逻辑，更多的dangerous animal让人更容易assume danger
E. in all situation不能解释

setmefree1

DAY140
CR
D 实验组提前接触过gmat内容更多会影响实验结果
E 古代看到草动认为是危险动物；现代有人高估有人低估。当看到有动静认为危险的倾向是由于人类在所有情况下对谨慎和规避风险的固有偏好。

想跟G分手

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想跟G分手

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徐公子~

CR1
我的答案：D
正确答案：D
P：斩鸡组的GMAT分数显著高于对照组
C：斩鸡大法比传统教学更有效
任务类型：削弱
选项分析
A：教学满意度不相关
B：GPA与GMAT无必然联系
C：后续影响不能解释前面GMAT成绩差异
D：斩鸡组在之前对GMAT相关内容有更多接触——他因导致GMAT成绩更好
E：另一个老师使用斩鸡大法，发现GMAT成绩没有差异，不能解释前一次实验结果差异原因

CR2
我的答案：B
正确答案：B
任务类型：解释原因
选项分析
A：危险警示系统，未提及
B：进化优势，正确
C：媒体夸张，未提及
D：过去危险性动物更常见，未提及
E：人们任何时候都规避风险的倾向，未提及，现代人有些高估危险，有些低估危险

RC
我的答案：CEDBECCC
正确答案：CEDBCCDB

文章结构：
P1-指出southern Maya文化的异常：与水权无关
P2-作者观点，认为学者忽略了玛雅人对人造蓄水池的控制
P3-玛雅统治者权力的来源
P4-作者使用模型的侧重点
P5-政治统治难度与资源和人口集中度成反比，玛雅人生产资源分散，经济水平较好，且经常迁移，导致统治阶级难以管理广大农民
P6-统治阶级最终实现统治的手段是，借干旱气候，修建了人工蓄水池，集中控制了水权

maryyy1019

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