阅读43-48
Prior to 1975, union efforts to organize public-sector
clerical workers, most of whom are women, were some-
what limited. The factors favoring unionization drives
seem to have been either the presence of large numbers
(5) of workers, as in New York City, to make it worth the
effort, or the concentration of small numbers in one or
two locations, such as a hospital, to make it relatively
easy, Receptivity to unionization on the workers, part
was also a consideration, but when there were large
(10) numbers involved or the clerical workers were the only
unorganized group in a jurisdiction, the multioccupa-
tional unions would often try to organize them regard-
less of the workers’ initial receptivity. The strategic
reasoning was based, first, on the concern that politi-
(15) cians and administrators might play off unionized
against nonunionized workers, and, second, on the
conviction that a fully unionized public work force
meant power, both at the bargaining table and in the
legislature. In localities where clerical workers were few
(20) in number, were scattered in several workplaces, and
expressed no interest in being organized, unions more
often than not ignored them in the pre-1975 period.
But since the mid-1970’s, a different strategy has
emerged. In 1977, 34 percent of government clerical
(25) workers were represented by a labor organization,
compared with 46 percent of government professionals,
44 percent of government blue-collar workers, and
41 percent of government service workers, Since then,
however, the biggest increases in public-sector unioniza-
(30) tion have been among clerical workers. Between 1977
and 1980, the number of unionized government workers
in blue-collar and service occupations increased only
about 1.5 percent, while in the white-collar occupations
the increase was 20 percent and among clerical workers
(35) in particular, the increase was 22 percent.
What accounts for this upsurge in unionization
among clerical workers? First, more women have entered
the work force in the past few years, and more of them
plan to remain working until retirement age. Conse-
(40) quently, they are probably more concerned than their
predecessors were about job security and economic bene-
fits. Also, the women’s movement has succeeded in legit-
imizing the economic and political activism of women on
their own behalf, thereby producing a more positive atti-
(45) tude toward unions. The absence of any comparable
increase in unionization among private-sector clerical
workers, however, identifies the primary catalyst-the
structural change in the multioccupational public-sector
unions themselves. Over the past twenty years, the occu-
(50) pational distribution in these unions has been steadily
shifting from predominantly blue-collar to predomi-
nantly white-collar. Because there are far more women
in white-collar jobs, an increase in the proportion of
female members has accompanied the occupational shift
(55) and has altered union policy-making in favor of orga-
nizing women and addressing women’s issues.
问题一：通篇没弄明白什么是union的different strategy...按照文章推断，就是不再limite their efforts,而是主动的，积极地orgnize clerical workers 我的理解对吗？？
1975年前，union的strategy是limit the efforts to orgnize clerical workers
1970中期，strategy发生了变化。（文中展开说明了一下1977的情况）。Since then，（1977—1980），clerical workers proportion increased
那么是什么造成了clerical workers proportion increase的原因呢?第三段说：
first，女人enter workforce。女人更想稳定，所以更关心benefit--〉所以女人更多加入union
also，women's movement导致了more positive attitude toward union--〉更多女人加入union
Primary catalyst： union自身的structual change。蓝领减少，白领增多。又因为白领多为女人，所以女人在union数量上升，并由此带来了occupational shift and policy making in favour of organizing women and addressing women's issue
问题二：上面的文章简图里的蓝色部分是我由文章inffer出来的，我理解正确了吗？我觉得这样才能解释为什么clerical workers增多
问题三：原文底部分死都不懂。为什么absence of private-sector就得出了primary catalyst？？
因为是第一遍过文章，想把文章捏碎点。
谢谢各位大虾了
[此贴子已经被作者于2005-3-25 13:29:04编辑过] | 
京公网安备11010202008513号 京ICP证101109号 京ICP备12012021号
发表于 2005-3-25 13:23:00
