“10月RC整狗family”！！——感谢小猫和顺子

2011finish

题目都不是很难, 都是主旨加细节
主旨: 讲生物学家研究动物吃食范围的问题，举了两种动物，说A和B吧
P1: 先陈述了这么一个hypothesis，然后就举例，举A，说A在向右转头吃草以后，下一次往左转的概率是往右转的二倍（1.问什么情况下更可能往左），因为这个动物脑子里有个什么S，一转弯就从一边移动到另一边了，然后就加强了另一边转弯的概率。这么个现象说明它有一种记忆功能，貌似是一种什么细胞造成的，又研究了这个细胞吧，其中的什么含量会变化。用protein留下scar做记号
P2: 开始举例说B. 一个水里游的动物P，也是说找食物，有遇到什么珊瑚礁什么的。给湖里撒食物，发现这个P一次就转36度，科学家说这样可以最大程度上获取食物。总之还是为证明开始陈述的那个hypothesis，说动物吃食的方向选择是为扩大它们的食物范围。(P2的作用)

Q& A
1.     如题定位
2.     主旨：选claims一个conclusion，用了2个research
3.     举例支持主旨

2011finish

personal trait和occupation关系（文章短，题目有点难）
P1: 研究人员发现outgoing的人做管理类工作的多，passive的人从事technical的多。然后解释原因：management position的daily work 主要是和人打交道的工作等。Organized person需要lead，talk and organize staff。
P2: 然而一种可能性是：人们倾向于根据自己的personality traits来选择occupation。就算outgoing的人去应聘manager，withdraw的人都去应聘tech工作(1.Inference: withdraw的人做管理类的工作会怎么样？)，however, the employer has the authority to final say to decide (2.什么决定人们从事某个occupation？)会不会聘用这个人从事某个工作.( 3.第二段的作用是什么？)

Q& A
1. 这些人tendto be less successful in leading than outgoing managers
2.  employer's decision outweigh其他因素[760]
3. 因为第二段头两句话都是might,may，我选择propose newresearh program to determine personal trait和occupation关系. [bonbon_sj 760 V42 Q50]
4. 文中说从事technology的人性格withdraw and passive，问以下哪个能weaken从事technology的人的passive性格？（从事technology的人也需要经常跟别人交流并且说服别人）

tracy2009

文章很长，一屏半

P1: 有种gigantic的恐龙，为什么会变得gigantic，貌似有3个prerequisites。第一段说了两种，最后第三个人出来反驳(有题问这些专家must likely not to agree，我选A.这些恐龙会出来晒太阳)说：(1)T这个恐龙不是恒温的，是cold blood因為如果是溫 血動物，這樣大的體積需要很好的散熱能力，需要比一頭獅子多十倍的食物(沒怎麼考);(2) 很大的生存range

P2:最后一段反驳说没有competitor，说原来似乎还有两种恐龙S和C，一个吃陆地上的食物一个在海面上觅食，后来sealevel下降了，吃海上的那个似乎灭绝了，然后陆地什么的被隔开，然后只剩下一种在陆上的(有题问末段最后一句话的作用，我选证明了末段首句)。

QUESTION
1.      最后一段的提到两种恐龙（斜体字S和C）有什么用：证明末端首句，反驳没有competitor
2.      有题问这些专家must likely not to agree，我选A.这些恐龙会出来晒太阳)说：(1)T这个恐龙不是恒温的，是cold blood（否则身体无法支撑它的日常活动）
3.      有一題是說了一個額外的事情,如果大恐龍既是scavenger食腐动物﹐有時hunter的話﹐問消弱了文中的那個結論。選項有﹐大恐龍會和同類競爭﹔大恐龍只吃肉食恐龍﹔恐龍是冷血動物。。。(木有看懂，有看此题懂逻辑的同学请指点)

-- by 会员 2011finish (2011/10/12 20:56:26)

Q：问海水下降说明了什么？【细节题。好好定位！】
我选的“使生存环境扩大”【730。出处：文中说了S和C兩種大恐龍，說它們在當時非洲海平面下降後才獲得需求的生存空間】

Q：文章提到一种恐龙fishing，而另一种恐龙huntingon the land，why？
说明“两者之间没有竞争for food”

Q：那些反驳的专家mustlikely not to agree【看清是问谁吧】
我选A.这些恐龙会出来晒太阳)说：(1)T这个恐龙不是恒温的，是cold blood（否则身体无法支撑它的日常活动）

Q：有题问末段最后一句话的作用。
我选证明了末段首句。说没有competitor


Q：问作者提到whateverthe reason 目的是为了?
我选小结开头的引句转移至另一个topic

Q: 有一題是說了一個額外的事情,如果大恐龍既是scavenger食腐动物﹐有時hunter的話﹐問消弱了文中的那個結論。選項有﹐大恐龍會和同類競爭﹔大恐龍只吃肉食恐龍﹔恐龍是冷血動物。。。(木有看懂，有看此题懂逻辑的同学请指点)

2011finish

文章很长，一屏半

P1: 有种gigantic的恐龙，为什么会变得gigantic，貌似有3个prerequisites。第一段说了两种，最后第三个人出来反驳(有题问这些专家must likely not to agree，我选A.这些恐龙会出来晒太阳)说：(1)T这个恐龙不是恒温的，是cold blood因為如果是溫 血動物，這樣大的體積需要很好的散熱能力，需要比一頭獅子多十倍的食物(沒怎麼考);(2) 很大的生存range

P2:最后一段反驳说没有competitor，说原来似乎还有两种恐龙S和C，一个吃陆地上的食物一个在海面上觅食，后来sealevel下降了，吃海上的那个似乎灭绝了，然后陆地什么的被隔开，然后只剩下一种在陆上的(有题问末段最后一句话的作用，我选证明了末段首句)。

QUESTION
1.      最后一段的提到两种恐龙（斜体字S和C）有什么用：证明末端首句，反驳没有competitor
2.      有题问这些专家must likely not to agree，我选A.这些恐龙会出来晒太阳)说：(1)T这个恐龙不是恒温的，是cold blood（否则身体无法支撑它的日常活动）
3.      有一題是說了一個額外的事情,如果大恐龍既是scavenger食腐动物﹐有時hunter的話﹐問消弱了文中的那個結論。選項有﹐大恐龍會和同類競爭﹔大恐龍只吃肉食恐龍﹔恐龍是冷血動物。。。(木有看懂，有看此题懂逻辑的同学请指点)

-- by 会员 2011finish (2011/10/12 20:56:26)

Q：问海水下降说明了什么？【细节题。好好定位！】
我选的“使生存环境扩大”【730。出处：文中说了S和C兩種大恐龍，說它們在當時非洲海平面下降後才獲得需求的生存空間】

Q：文章提到一种恐龙fishing，而另一种恐龙huntingon the land，why？
说明“两者之间没有竞争for food”

Q：那些反驳的专家mustlikely not to agree【看清是问谁吧】
我选A.这些恐龙会出来晒太阳)说：(1)T这个恐龙不是恒温的，是cold blood（否则身体无法支撑它的日常活动）

Q：有题问末段最后一句话的作用。
我选证明了末段首句。说没有competitor


Q：问作者提到whateverthe reason 目的是为了?
我选小结开头的引句转移至另一个topic

Q: 有一題是說了一個額外的事情,如果大恐龍既是scavenger食腐动物﹐有時hunter的話﹐問消弱了文中的那個結論。選項有﹐大恐龍會和同類競爭﹔大恐龍只吃肉食恐龍﹔恐龍是冷血動物。。。(木有看懂，有看此题懂逻辑的同学请指点)

-- by 会员 tracy2009 (2011/10/13 23:23:43)

问题的逻辑梳理的非常好啊，好吧，我承认连我自己看着我之前花花绿绿的highlight都想死了因为之前非常注意把文章框架整理的有逻辑，我把大量的时间花在整合各个版本，以求对原文最大限度的理解；问题、答案的出处做得很不够，所以tracy的问题整理的非常赞哦！童鞋们有福了，tracy，你给个领狗范围吧，欢迎～～

2011finish

主旨：中世纪经济恶化探源：庄园主（lord）和佃农（tenant）的关系/新老观点【特别长】
P1: 传统观点。14世纪时人民的生活水平日益下降，甚至到了威胁生存的地步（开头句）。一些历史学家认为，tenant生活疾苦，受lord剥削控制，以至于他们的关系像是master和serf（农奴）。学者们还认为这些地主很重视眼前的享受和消费，而不在乎长远的发展，所以经济一直处于投资不足的状态（underinvestment），还说了一些其它因素，这些都妨碍了农业生产力。
P2: 新证据。虽然老观点有着很大的吸引力compelling，但是它越来越不能回答近期发现的一些新证据（主题句）。但是，这一观点不正确。因为其一，有很大一部分是free tenant，这些人只要交很低的钱，有很大的自由度，小日子还挺滋润（1.作者在第二段提到free tenant的作用）；其二，即便是serf tenant，他们的生活也没有那么糟糕，他们还是有一定自主权的，诸如lord要增加税赋的时候，他们可以提出反对意见，并且有一定的力量。
P3: 进一步的补充。中世纪的经济还是恶化了，这是为什么呢？究其原因，是因为lord在表面上向tenant做了让步，使其获得短期经济利益，但是从长期来看，这种做法相当于一个“brake”，措遏制了人口和经济的发展。（2.问你lord的这些举措是serve了谁的长期or短期利益？）

Q& A
1.举反例驳斥老观点（lz自答）
2.serve the short term interest of tenant but not the long term （V42;V40）
3.主旨？中世纪经济恶化探源：庄园主（lord）和佃农（tenant）的关系/新老观点

超完美匹合原文版bycamelo777
Any analysis of why the early fourteenth-century agrarian economy was sopredisposed to'crisis' necessarily requires careful consideration of class andproperty relations on the land, for, as Robert Brenner and S. H.Rigby have both emphasized, these could be ofdecisive importance.At that time landlords exercised feudal rights of lordshipover their tenants, many of whom were of servilestatus and therefore legally subordinate to theirlords. This power relationship shaped the tenurial relationship between thosewho owned the landand those who occupied and worked it. Thus it was tenure,as regulated by landlords, that determined the supply of holdings and the formand level of rents that were charged. Until recently it was widely believedthat feudal tenurial relationships sanctioned and facilitated theextra-economic exploitation of tenants by their lords. Together, the heavinessof rent charge sand the arbitrariess of lordship discouraged and depressedtenant investment in agriculture.Meanwhile, lords were more interested in pursuing a feudallifestyle ofconspicuous consumption than in enhancing theproductivity and profitability of their estates.The upshot结果, it has been claimed, was avicious circle of underinvestment, static technology, andlow and declining agricultural productivity.

Such pessimistic views of lords and their relations with their tenants havelong exercised a compelling appeal.Nevertheless, they have become increasingly difficult to reconcile with a growing bodyof historical evidence.The preoccupation with serfdom overlooks the numerous free tenants who wereexempt from the most coercive aspects of lordship. Free tenants mostly paid fixed and low rents and theirproperty rights enjoyed the protection of the royal courts。The more substantial customary tenants were, infact, relatively well off 。Many of these tenants certainly paid a proportion of their rent in labour, but historians, probably because of a modern abhorrence of the institution of forcedlabour, have exaggerated itseconomic significance. Inreality, only a minority of tenants actually performed labour services, and theaggregate value of rents in cash far exceeded that of rents in kind.Not withstandingthe much-vaunted powers of lordship, tenants had long been remarkably effective at opposing efforts by lords to raise rents and increase labour services in line with risingland values and commodity prices. They did so by countering seigniorial powerwith custom and denying that, as tenants,they were obliged to pay their lordsanything more than a de fac to ground rent for the land. Tenant right, in fact, often proved morepowerful than landlord right.

As this article argues, the fact that so many tenants were in such conspicuouseconomic difficulties by the earlyfourteenth century hadless to do with feudal lordship per se and thesupposed oppressions and inequalities of serfdom, than with the contradictions and inefficiencies inherent in thecoexistence of customary, contractual and commercial relationships. Herein lay the real source of the agrarian problem in the early fourteenth century. In so far as lords werethe inadvertent agents of this adverse state of affairs, it was because theirdealings with their tenants were typically morecompliant than coercive强迫的.By yielding to tenant demands for access toland on terms that were so favourable to the tenants, lords created thepreconditions for the subdivisionand subletting that stoked （刺激）population growth and thereby engendered the rural congestion that was the source ofso much under- and unemployment, with all the negative consequences that thisimplies for labour productivity, living standards and purchasing power.This deteriorating situation in the countrysideacted as a brake upon the continued growth of the economy and, from 1315, left increasing numbers ever morecruelly exposed to the heightened risk ofen viron mental hazard

zhangyn916

最近有姨妈相伴，唉……状态不佳，昨晚睡得早了……虫虫姐我再领七只吧~44-51，吼吼~~

zhangyn916

44、**火山喷发
考古★火山熔岩的来由
V1 duke3d001 750, wade777, echosweet 700 & yueqianchen
关键词：45KM, Olivine, Orthopyroxene (referenced by gitarrelieber)。这篇文章的题目不难，狗的骨架也很清晰。
第一段讲火山爆发来源于Mantle中的Lava，而Lava来源于Melt ，Melt在向地表上升的过程中会与Mantle中的Rock反应并不断互相交换物质、变化结构，即吸收Orthopyroxene并排出Olivine。
第二段说一个跟理论不太相符的事情，一种海底里的lava sample，在距离地表45千米突然发现已经停止这种物质交换，Melt的结构不变了。一种假设是那里的Mantle太松散了，使Melt无法与他们接触并交换物质，但立即被否定了(因为45KM还很深东西都很软，没有裂缝)。另一种假设是Melt在之前的上升过程中已经吸收了足够的Orthopyroxene，并将能排出的Olivine都排了，无法继续反应。
Q1是什么可以证明这种exchange的存在：
A1：熔岩的成分-by darkchoco 710
一道是选chemical composition为特征by gyz12 740
A2：选“lab experiments” indicate 那个melt 的变化的，没有选chemical composition, 细节题定位后决定的，确认后到现在还没有深深后悔过by sashimiyuki 720 V37
（未确定答案，顺子标出原文定位应该在｛｝之间）
Q2文中什么情况下描述了那种正常的exchange：lab experiment中实现了那种现象—by feifeizoe 750 V39
（Q1和Q2应该是同一问题，大家再斟酌一下吧）
Q3 一道文章最后句定位：
A：Olivine的用完了,exchange就停止了——gyz12 740
（根据近似原文，顺子认为应该是orth用完，exchange停止）
Q4 The author mention “the melt to rise so rapidly” in order to：
提出了一种hypothesis，这种hypothesis在后面被反驳
Q5主旨

(疑似)原文未缩减 gitarrelieber (sereneys 730 V40 基本确认)
节选自The Origin of the Land under the Sea (Scientific American Magazine @ February 2009)
Author: Peter B. Kelemen
Knowledge of the intense heat and pressure in the mantle led researchers to hypothesize in the late 1960s that ocean crust originates as tiny amounts of liquid rock known as melt—almost as though the solid rocks were “sweating.” Even a minuscule release of pressure (because of material rising from its original position) causes melt to form in microscopic pores deep within the mantle rock. Explaining how the rock sweat gets to the surface was more difficult. Melt is less dense than the mantle rocks in which it forms, so it will constantly try to migrate upward, toward regions of lower pressure. ｛But what laboratory experiments revealed about the chemical composition of melt did not seem to match up with the composition of rock samples collected from the mid-ocean ridges, where eruptedmelt hardens. Using specialized equipment to heat and squeeze crystals from mantle rocks in the laboratory, investigators learned that the chemical composition of melt in the mantle varies depending on the depth at which it forms;the composition is controlled by an exchange of atoms between the melt and the minerals that makeup the solid rock it passes through. The experiments revealed that as melt rises, it dissolves one kind of mineral, orthopyroxene, and precipitates, or leaves behind, another mineral, olivine. Researchers could thus infer that the higher in the mantle melt formed, the more orthopyroxene it would dissolve, and the more olivine it would leave behind.(melt上升时，溶解Ort产生Oli, 所以melt higher，溶解的Ort越多，产生的/留在身后的Oli也越多)｝ Comparing these experimental findings with lava samples from the mid-ocean ridges revealed that almost all of them have the composition of melts that formed at depths greater than 45kilometers. This conclusion spurred a lively debate about how meltis able to rise through tens of kilometers of overlying rock while preserving the composition appropriate for a greater depth. If melt rose slowly in smallpores in the rock, as researchers suspected, it would be logical to assume that all melts would reflect the composition of the fashallowest part of the mantle,at 10 kilometers or less. Yet the composition of most mid-ocean ridge lavas amples suggests their source melt migrated through the uppermost 45 kilometers of the mantle without dissolving any orthopyroxene from the surrounding rock. But how? （疑大概为狗狗第一段的背景内容）

In the early 1970s scientists proposed an answer: the melt must make the last leg of its upward journey along enormous cracks. Open cracks would allow the melt torise so rapidly that it would not have time to interact with the surrounding rock, nor would melt in the core of the crack ever touch the sides. (Q4)Although open cracks are not a natural feature of the upper mantle— the pressure is simply too great—some investigators suggested that the buoyant force of migrating melt might sometimes be enough to fracture the solid rock above, like an icebreaker ship forcing its way through polar pack ice. Adolphe Nicolas of the University of Montpellier in France and his colleagues discovered tantalizing evidence for such cracks while examining unusual rock formations called ophiolites. Typically, when oceanic crust gets old and cold, it becomes so dense that it sinks back into the mantle along deep trenches known as subduction zones, such as those that encircle the Pacific Ocean. Ophiolites, on the other hand, are thick sections of old seafloor and adjacent, underlying mantle that are thrust up onto continents when two of the planet’s tectonic plates collide. A famous example, located in the Sultanate of Oman, was exposed during the ongoing collision of the Arabian and Eurasian plates. In this and other ophiolites, Nicolas’s team found unusual, light-colored veins called dikes, which they interpreted as cracks in which melt had crystallized before reaching the seafloor. The problem with this interpretation was that the dikes are filled with rock that crystallized from a melt that formed in the uppermost reaches of the mantle, not below 45 kilometers, where most mid-ocean ridge lavas originate. In addition, the icebreaker scenario may not work well for the melting region under mid-ocean ridges: below about 10 kilometers, the hot mantle tends to flow like caramel left too long in the sun, rather than cracking easily.

To explain the ongoing mystery, I began working on an alternative hypothesis for lava transport in the melting region. In my dissertation in the late 1980s, I developed a chemical theory proposing that as rising melt dissolves orthopyroxene crystals, it precipitates a smaller amount of olivine, so that the net result is a greater volume of melt. Our calculations revealed how this dissolution process gradually enlarges the open spaces at the edges of solid crystals, creating larger pores and carving a more favorable pathway through which melt can flow. As the pores grow, they connect to form elongate channels. In turn, similar feedbacks drive the coalescence of several small tributaries to form larger channels. Indeed, our numerical models suggested that more than 90 percent of the melt is concentrated into less than 10 percent of the available area. That means millions of microscopic threads of flowing melt may eventually feed into only a few dozen, high porosity channels 100 meters or more wide. Even in the widest channels, many crystals of the original mantle rock remain intact, congesting the channels and inhibiting movement of the fluid. That is why melt flows slowly, at only a few centimeters a year. Over time, however, so much melt passes through the channels that all the soluble orthopyroxene crystals dissolve away, leaving only crystals of olivine and other minerals that the melt is unable to dissolve. As a result, the composition of the melt within such channels can no longer adjust to decreasing pressure and instead records the depth at which it last “saw” an orthopyroxene crystal.（Q2）One of the most important implications of this process, called focused porous flow, is that only the melt at the edges of channels dissolves orthopyroxene from the surrounding rock; melt within the inner part of the conduit can rise unadulterated.

miss绿光

谢谢整理的你们！我16号晚上二战~
确实，呗狗咬的都是看了一遍但是自己不总结！导致脑海里东西乱糟糟！考场上又想回忆，结果看不进去！

所以，这次我就每篇把不同版本的都整理成了一个~是自己的一个~有助于记忆与理解，不过我是才整理到20多，而且还都是手写，看见你们的好感动~~我就看你们的了~抄啊抄~嘻嘻，还停留在手写时代呢，谢谢你们所有~~~

RP都刚刚的！

zhangyn916

谢谢整理的你们！我16号晚上二战~
确实，呗狗咬的都是看了一遍但是自己不总结！导致脑海里东西乱糟糟！考场上又想回忆，结果看不进去！

所以，这次我就每篇把不同版本的都整理成了一个~是自己的一个~有助于记忆与理解，不过我是才整理到20多，而且还都是手写，看见你们的好感动~~我就看你们的了~抄啊抄~嘻嘻，还停留在手写时代呢，谢谢你们所有~~~

RP都刚刚的！

-- by 会员 miss绿光 (2011/10/14 11:28:31)

嘿嘿，我们也是十月的战友~加油！！一起加油↖(^ω^)↗

zhangyn916

电脑出问题了，整理一半坏掉了，什么都没了，~~~~(>_<)~~~~ 只好重新开始了……
另外发现 hkustmbaQ51, V39, 750 牛牛整理的阅读真的很棒，所以偷个懒，添加了有答案的狗主分数后，用黄色部分标出与原文相似的部分，直接搬上来了

45、公司compensate based

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P1.讲员工information sharing 与公司的政策相关。公司发现员工不分享信息，做了一个research。

P2.research发现如果公司主要重视individual performance,那么information sharing的情况就会来的少。如果公司规定个人福利与团队利润挂钩，共享讯息的情况会好的多。如果是要求与公司的绩效挂钩， most information sharing的情况最好。因此为了整个公司的利益应该sharing info。

P3.举例，一个公司的新ceo，改变了以往以个人为单位进行评估，实行以team为单位进行评估，要求大家分享信息，否则就fire。并改革了管理层，提高了公司的profit。通篇都在赞美以公司绩效何个人福利挂钩，所收到的成效最好。

题目：

Q1、主旨题。（论述员工分享信息的必要性，并举例证明）

Q2、那个方法符合文章的叙述

（开办小组写文档供其他人参考，员工自愿参加，选这个--byfido11 700

其余选项为：员工向上级汇报progress；员工分享bonuses；给员工讲讲过去年度公司挣了多少钱）

疑似原文：

Create Colleagues, not Competitors. If managers want their employees to share information, why do they encourage them to hoard it by rewarding competition among them? My colleagues Erik Brynjolfsson at MIT and Nat Bulkley at the University of Michigan and I have been studying knowledge sharing and productivity in the executive recruiting industry. We asked 71 employees, from partners to IT staff, at three recruiting firms about their compensation structures and their attitudes toward sharing information with colleagues, and we tracked their individual contract revenues and the e-mail activity among them.
We found, as predicted by economic theory,that the people rewarded for individual performance shared information least; the people rewarded for team performance shared more; and the people rewarded for company performance shared most. In each case, the degree of sharing reflected the sharer’s self-interest. If compensation is linked to one’s performance relative to others, then employees are likely to hoard information to both maximize their own performance and undermine (or, at least, not benefit) others. But if rewards are tied to firm performance, then individuals stand to gain most from activities—like free knowledge sharing—that benefit the company.
This effect is demonstrated in the exhibit at right, which shows the network of e-mail traffic in a recruiting firm composed of two offices. Though this firm, overall, shared information to a moderate degree (as measured by the volume of e-mail among employees), the employees in office 1, on the left side of the network, were rewarded principally for organizational performance. The employees in office 2, on the right, were rewarded principally for individual performance. It’s clear which office shared more.
Though most executives intuitively凭直觉 grasp the relationship between incentives and knowledge sharing, it’s surprising how many companies—even those where knowledge sharing is critical—still emphasize rewards for individual performance rather than encourage team or firm performance. They turn colleagues into competitors. Most white-collar, up-or-out incentive schemes in law, accounting, management-consulting, and other fields rank employees on a few indicators such as sales volume or hours billed, and then reward those at the top.
Lines of Communication
Consider IBM’s experience over the past 15 years. Before Lou Gerstner arrived, more than three-quarters of IBM’s bonuses were based on individual performance—and the company was almost paralyzed by fiefdoms封地. But Gerstner made it clear he would reprimand惩戒 or fire anyone who refused to share valuable information. Executive compensation became more team based, and management invoked Gerstner’s name and fearsome reputation to win compliance among recalcitrant不服从的 employees. The result was improved information flow, which contributed significantly to IBM’s enormous growth during the 1990s.
Our research confirms that aligning incentives with team or firm performance effectively enhances information flow. But as IBM’s experience shows, if you want to maximize sharing, sometimes inducements to share are best coupled with deterrents to hoarding囤积