2009.9月~10月阅读机经汇总（10/20 20:38）

ycolonel

无敌了！！！

missedliu108

辛苦啦  非常感谢

cocolapple

我貼一下關於Jim clow law查到的資料，大家參考參考

In the 1890s, starting with Mississippi, most southern states began more systematically to disfranchise褫奪公權 black males by imposing voter registration restrictions, such as literacy tests識字測驗, poll taxes投票稅,人頭稅, and the white primary. These new rules of the political game were used by white registrars to deny voting privileges to blacks at the registration place rather than at the ballot box投票箱, which had previously been done by means of fraud and force. By 1910, every state of the former Confederacy had adopted laws that segregated all aspects of life (especially schools and public places) wherein blacks and whites might socially mingle混合,往來 or come into contact.

The impetus推動，刺激 for this new, legally-enforced caste order of southern life was indeed complex. Many lower-class whites, for example, hoped to wrest奪取 political power from merchants and large landowners who controlled the vote of their indebted負債的 black tenants佃戶 by taking away black suffrage投票權. Some whites also feared a new generation of so-called "uppity高傲的" blacks, men and women born after slavery who wanted their full rights as American citizens. At the same time there appeared throughout America the new pseudo假的，擬似-science of eugenics that reinforced the racist views of black inferiority. Finally, many southern whites feared that the federal government might intervene in southern politics if the violence and fraud continued. They believed that by legally ending suffrage for blacks, the violence would also end. Even some blacks supported this idea and were willing to sacrifice their right to vote in return for an end to the terror.

In the end, black resistance to segregation was difficult because the system of land tenancy, known as sharecropping佃農耕作, left most blacks economically dependent upon planter-landlords and merchant suppliers. Also, the white terror at the hands of lynch mobs threatened all members of the black family--adults and children alike. This reality made it nearly impossible for blacks to stand up to Jim Crow because such actions might bring down the wrath of the white mob on one's parents, brothers, spouse, and children. Few black families, moreover, were economically well off enough to buck the local white power structure of banks, merchants, and landlords. To put it succinctly: impoverished and often illiterate southern blacks were in a weak position in the 1890s for confronting the racist culture of Jim Crow.

主要解釋南方人的態度，還有南方黑人為啥會聽話，因為佃農制度跟危急生命安全的關係

Historians Joel Williamson and Neil R. McMillen demonstrate that the absence of a legalized color line did not mean that one did not exist in practice or in the minds of most white southerners. Their research in South Carolina and Mississippi supports the view that a physical color line in public places had already crystallized by 1870, and it was a barrier to racial mixing enforced by violence whenever necessary. As in slavery, the social lives of southern whites remained absolutely off limits to all blacks, except when blacks acquiesced as servants or in some other way to the superior-inferior relationship that existed in the slavery era. The same was true for the intermixing of whites with blacks in civil activities; whites generally refused to participate in any events or activities that included blacks, such as volunteer fire companies, parades, or civic gatherings. Usually, whites shunned any and all public places where the color line was not firmly in place.

這段有提到MC氏～應該是他的觀點，大家單字記一下

On a day-to-day level, many southern blacks resisted Jim Crow by hoping for the day when they could escape the Jim Crow South--much as their ancestors had used the Underground Railroad to escape slavery by going to the North. Thousands of blacks had indeed left for Kansas and Oklahoma in the 1880s and the 1890s. The movement to Kansas became known as the "Kansas Exodus," and even today there exist several nearly all-black towns in the state. Thousands of other black sharecroppers moved to southern towns and cities in the 1880s and 1890s. Some African Americans even tried to establish all-black towns within the South, like Mound Bayou in the Mississippi delta, in hopes of completely isolating themselves from whites altogether while staying in the region of their births. But the vast majority of black migrants from the South traveled to eastern and mid-western cities and towns, beginning in the 1890s. In a three-year span from 1916 to 1919, in what has been called the "Great Migration," over half a million blacks fled the South. Another million left in the 1920s. During the Great Depression, when black sharecroppers were turned off the land, thousands of them joined relatives and friends in Chicago, Detroit, Pittsburgh, New York, and Los Angeles.

這段有提到Great  Migration

jerryye

我问下，V1,V2是说不同人的版本？谢谢大家帮忙回答~

刚来机经区，不懂这些术语啊

XYXB

以下是引用jerryye在2009/10/11 0:15:00的发言：

我问下，V1,V2是说不同人的版本？谢谢大家帮忙回答~

刚来机经区，不懂这些术语啊

对的。

roimei

;)

cocolapple

在網上找到客觀主義RC氏生平的的考題，標明出處，大家參考～

Charles Reznikoff （1894-1976） worked relentlessly, never leaving New York but for a brief stay in Hollywood, of all places. He was admired by Pound and Kenneth Burke, and often published his own works; in the Depression era, he managed a treadle printing press in his basement. He wrote three sorts of poems: exceptionally short imagistic lyrics; longer pieces crafted and cobbled from other sources, often from the Judaic tradition; and book-length poems wrought from the testimony both of Holocaust trials and from the courtrooms of turn-of-the-century America. Two of these full-length volumes were indeed titled "Testimony," as was an earlier prose work; it was a word that kept him close company. When asked late in life to define his poetry, it was not the word he chose.

　　"Objectivist," he wrote, naming his longstanding group, and mimicking poetic style with a single prose sentence: "images clear but the meaning not stated but suggested by the objective details and the music of the verse; words pithy and plain; without the artifice of regular meters; themes, chiefly Jewish, American, urban." If the sentence sounds hard-won, this is perhaps because it was. Four decades earlier, he wrote in a letter to friends, "There is a learned article about my verse in Poetry this month, from which I learn that I am an objectivist." The learned fellow was Louis Zukofsky, brilliant eminence of the Objectivists, "with whom I disagree as to both form and content of verse, but to whom I am obliged for placing some of my things here and there." So read Reznikoff's conclusion in 1931, with its fillip of polite resentment.

　　Movements and schools are arbitrary and immaterial things by which poetic history is told. This must have rankled Reznikoff, who spent his writing life tracing the material and the necessary.

　　Born a child of immigrants in Brooklyn in 1894, he was in journalism school at 16, took a law degree at 21. Though he was little interested in legal practice, the ideas would be near the heart of his writing. Ideal poetic language, he wrote, "is restricted almost to the testimony of a witness in a court of law." If this suggests a congenital optimism about the law, it made for astonishingly care-filled poetry. Reznikoff is unsurpassed in conveying the sense that the world is worth getting right. Not the glorious or the damaged world, but the world that is everything that is the case. Reznikoff's faith in the facts of the case takes on an intensity no less social than spiritual, no greater when surveying the Old Testament than New York. This collection gathers all his poems （but for those already book-length） by the technique of compressing onto single pages as many as five or six at a time. This can lessen the force; each is a sort of American haiku, though no more impressionistic than a hand-operated printing press. One such, numbered 69 in the volume "Jerusalem the Golden," runs in its length: "Among the heaps of brick and plaster lies / a girder, still itself among the rubbish." This exemplary couplet is sometimes taken to represent Reznikoff's poetry itself, immutable and certain amid the transitory.

連結的檔案有題目，挺詳盡的，雖然沒有考題裡的比較概念，但還是希望能幫到大家

資料出自：08年考研英语阅读理解模拟预测题

http://images.91class.com/attachment/0809/12d59703f2.doc

cocolapple

智利雞骨頭的新聞

Which came first–the chicken or the European?

Popular history, and a familiar rhyme about Christopher Columbus, holds that Europeans made contact with the Americas in 1492, with some arguing that the explorer and his crew were the first outsiders to reach the New World.

But chicken bones recently unearthed on the coast of Chile—dating prior to Columbus’ “discovery” of America and resembling the DNA of a fowl species native to Polynesia—may challenge that notion, researchers say.

“Chickens could not have gotten to South America on their own—they had to be taken by humans,” said anthropologist Lisa Matisoo-Smith from the University of Auckland, New Zealand.

Polynesians made contact with the west coast of South America as much as a century before any Spanish conquistadors, her findings imply.

DNA in bone

The chicken bones were discovered at an archaeological site called El Arenal, on the south coast of Chile, alongside other materials belonging to the indigenous population. While chickens aren’t native to the region, it was believed the local Araucana species found there now was brought to the Americas by Spanish settlers around 1500.

Tests on the bones, however, now indicate the birds arrived well before any European made landfall in South America, Matisoo-Smith and her colleague Alice Storey found.

“We had the chicken bone directly dated by radio carbon. The calibrated date was clearly prior to 1492,” Matisoo-Smith told LiveScience, noting that it could have ranged anywhere from 1304 to 1424. “This also fits with the other dates obtained from the site (on other materials), and it fits with the cultural period of the site.”

Did Polynesians continue eastwards?

DNA extracted from the bones also matched closely with a Polynesian breed of chicken, rather than any chickens found in Europe.

Polynesia was settled by sailors who migrated from mainland Southeast Asia, beginning about 3,000 years ago. They continued gradually eastwards, but were never thought to have journeyed further than Easter Island, about 2,000 miles off the coast of continental Chile.

The chicken DNA suggests at least one group did make the harrowing journey across the remaining stretch of Pacific, Matisoo-Smith said.

“We cannot say exactly which island the voyage came from. The DNA sequence is found in chickens from Tonga, Samoa, Niue, Easter Island and Hawaii,” Matisoo-Smith said. “If we had to guess, we would say it was unlikely to have come from West Polynesia and most likely to have come from Easter Island or some other East Polynesian source that we have not yet sampled.”

The results are detailed in the latest issue of the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

Kon-Tiki trip in reverse

It might be the most tangible, but this isn’t the first evidence that pre-Columbian voyages from the Pacific to South America were possible.

In 1947, Thor Heyerdahl, the famous Norwegian anthropologist, made the voyage from Peru to Polynesia aboard his Kon-Tiki raft to prove the trip was doable with a rudimentary vessel.

There are more scientific arguments, too, said Matisoo-Smith.

“There is increasing evidence of multiple contacts with the Americas,” she said, “based on linguistic evidence and similarities in fish hook styles.” Physical evidence of human DNA from Polynesia has yet to be found in South America, she added.

省得大家猜了，直接看新聞釐清吧

a9141067s

我覺得59.非洲遺址推出的社會和經濟關係和 39.墨西哥人的房子貌似同一篇呀!只是墨西哥人變成了非洲人了,請"狗狗"提供者或是LZ幫忙確認一下

[此贴子已经被作者于2009/10/11 18:31:57编辑过]

huster

想问下下载的word里面给出的英文文章是原文吗？