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[求助]大全54-2,6

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发表于 2008-7-7 22:19:00 | 只看该作者

[求助]大全54-2,6


    

Passage
54 (54/63)


    

 


    

Two modes of argumentation have been used on behalf of
women’s emancipation in Western societies. Arguments in what could be called
the “relational” feminist tradition maintain the doctrine of “equality in
difference,” or equity as distinct for equality. They posit that biological
distinctions between the sexes result in a necessary sexual division of labor
(division of labor: n.
劳动力的分工) in the family and throughout society and that women’s procreative
(procreative: adj.
生产的, 有生殖力的) labor is currently undervalued by society, to the
disadvantage of women. By contrast, the individualist feminist tradition
emphasizes individual human rights and celebrates women’s quest for personal
autonomy, while downplaying the importance of gender roles and minimizing
discussion of childbearing and its attendant (accompanying or following as a consequence
or result “problems attendant upon pollution”)

            
responsibilities.


    

Before the late nineteenth century, these views
coexisted within the feminist movement, often within the writings of the same
individual. Between 1890 and 1920, however, relational feminism, which
had been the dominant strain in feminist thought, and which still predominates
among European and non-Western feminists, lost ground in England and the United States. Because the concept
of individual rights was already well established in the Anglo-Saxon legal and
political tradition, individualist feminism came to predominate in
English-speaking countries. At the same time, the goals of the two approaches
began to seem increasingly irreconcilable. Individualist feminists began to
advocate a totally gender-blind system with equal rights for all. Relational
feminists, while agreeing that equal educational and economic opportunities
outside the home should be available for all women, continued to emphasize
women’s special contributions to society as homemakers and mothers; they
demanded special treatment including protective legislation for women workers,
state-sponsored maternity benefits, and paid compensation for housework.


    

Relational arguments have a major pitfall: because they
underline women’s physiological and psychological distinctiveness, they are
often appropriated (to take or make use of without authority or right)
            
by
political adversaries and used to endorse male privilege. But the individualist
approach, by attacking gender roles, denying the significance of physiological
difference, and condemning existing familial institutions as hopelessly
patriarchal, has often simply treated as irrelevant the family roles important
to many women. If the individualist framework, with its claim for women’s
autonomy, could be harmonized with the family-oriented concerns of relational
feminists, a more fruitful model for contemporary feminist politics could
emerge.


    

2.    The
passage suggests that the author of the passage believes which of the
following?


    

(A) The predominance of individualist feminism in
English-speaking countries is a historical phenomenon, the causes of which have
not yet been investigated.


    

(B) The individualist and relational feminist views are
irreconcilable, given their theoretical differences concerning the foundations
of society.


    

(C) A consensus concerning the direction of future feminist
politics will probably soon emerge, given the awareness among feminists of the
need for cooperation among women.


    

(D) Political adversaries of feminism often misuse arguments
predicated on differences between the sexes to argue that the existing social
system should be maintained.D


    

(E) Relational feminism provides the best theoretical
framework for contemporary feminist politics, but individualist feminism could
contribute much toward refining and strengthening modern feminist thought.



答案是D为什么不选B?

    

6.  The
author implies that which of the following was true of most feminist thinkers
in England and the United States
after 1920?


    

(A) They were less concerned with politics than with
intellectual issues.


    

(B) They began to reach a broader audience and their
programs began to be adopted by mainstream political parties.


    

(C) They called repeatedly for international cooperation
among women’s groups to achieve their goals.


    

(D) They moderated their initial criticism of the economic
systems that characterized their societies.E


    

(E) They did not attempt to unite the two different feminist
approaches in their thought.



答案是A如何看出来的?我选了e,为什么不对呢?
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