二战日记- GWD/OG/PP全汉化

lex_xu

1.        GWD-5-Q22 to Q25 IT技术为什么没有给企业带来竞争优势

      Most pre-1990 literature on businesses’ use of information technology

       (IT)—defined as any form of computer-

       based information system—focused on

  (5)      spectacular IT successes and reflected

a general optimism
            concerning IT’s poten-

tial as a resource for creating competitive

advantage. 

大部分1990以前的关于信息技术-定义为以任何形式基于计算机的信息系统-的商业用途的著作都专注于精彩的it的成功范例和关于it作为一种产生竞争优势的资源的it潜力的乐观。

But toward the end of the

1980’s, some economists spoke of a

 (10)      “productivity paradox”:  despite huge IT

investments, most notably in the service

sectors, productivity stagnated. 

但是，到了1980年底，一些经济学家开始宣传一种生产力矛盾说：尽管大规模的it投资，在服务领域取得大量的成功，但是生产力却在停滞不前。

In the
        retail industry, for example, in which IT

had been widely adopted during the

 (15)      1980’s, productivity (average output per

hour) rose at an average annual rate of

1.1 percent between 1973 and 1989, com-

pared with 2.4 percent in the preceding

25-year period.

例如在在80年代it就已被广泛接受的零售行业，生产力相比此前的25年间2.4%的上升比率来说，在1973-1989以每年1.1%上升。

 Proponents of IT argued

 (20)      that it takes both time and a critical mass

       of investment for IT to yield benefits, and

       some suggested that growth figures for

the 1990’s proved these benefits were

finally being realized.

It的支持者们辩论称需要时间以及一定的投资的量才能产生效益，并且一些人称90年代的增长指标证明了这些效益最终是得以实现的。

 They also argued

 (25)      that measures of productivity ignore what

would have happened without investments

in IT—productivity gains might have been

even lower. 

他们还辩论称，对于生产力的计量方法忽视了那些未使用it技术的地方，生产力的增加可能更低。

There were even claims that

IT had improved the performance of the

 (30)      service sector significantly, although mac-

roeconomic measures of productivity did

not reflect the improvement.
        现象及IT支持者的论据

甚至称，it显著的提升了服务部门的表现，虽然微观经济的对生产力的计量并没有反映出这项提升。

      But some observers questioned why,

       if IT had conferred economic value, it did

 (35)      not produce direct competitive advantages

for individual firms.

但是，一些观察员质疑说，为什么即使it提升了经济价值，但他并没有对个体公司产生直接的竞争优势呢？

 Resource-based

theory offers an answer, asserting that,

in general, firms gain competitive advan-

tages by accumulating resources that are

 (40)      economically valuable, relatively scarce,

and not easily replicated.

资源基础理论为这个问题提供了答案，基本上公司是通过积累那些具有经济价值，相对稀缺以及不容易被复制的资源从而取得竞争优势的。

 According to

a recent study of retail firms, which con-

firmed that IT has become pervasive

and relatively easy to acquire, IT by

 (45)      itself appeared to have conferred little

advantage. 

根据最新的一项对已确定的将it变得普遍的深入并且相对更容易取得数据的零售公司的研究显示，it本身所取得的优势是有限的。

 In fact, though little evidence

of any direct effect was found, the frequent negative correlations between IT

and performance suggested that IT had

 (50)      probably weakened some firms’ competitive positions. 

事实上，尽管只有取得有限的直接的优势，对it以及公司表现的频繁的负面的比照表明，it有可能削弱了一些公司的竞争地位。

However表递进, firms’ human

resources, in and of themselves, did

explain improved performance, and

some firms gained IT-related advan-

 (55)      tages by merging IT with complementary

resources, particularly human resources.

然而，公司的人力资源可以说明了提升的表现，并且一些公司已经通过将it与需要补足的资源尤其是人力资源进行合并而取得了it相关方面的优势。

The findings support the notion, founded

in resource-based theory, that competi-

tive advantages do not arise from easily

 (60)      replicated resources, no matter how

impressive or economically valuable

they may be, but from complex, intangible resources.

这项发现支持了基于资源基础理论的观点，竞争优势并非来自简单的复制资源，不论多么的吸引人或是具有经济价值，而是来自于复杂的，难以明了的资源。

lex_xu

1.        GWD-5-Q35 to Q37白杨树为什么要惹火烧身呢

      Even more than mountainside
            slides

       of mud or snow, naturally occurring forest

       fires promote the survival of aspen trees.

比起山腰滑落的泥石或雪流来说，更多的是自然遇到的森林火灾促进了白杨树的生存。

Aspens’ need for fire may seem illogical

  (5)      since aspens are particularly vulnerable

to fires; whereas the bark of most trees

consists of dead cells, the aspen’s bark

is a living, functioning tissue that—along

with the rest of the tree—succumbs quickly

(10)            to fire.提出现象

白杨树对火的需要看起来可能毫无逻辑，因为尤其是白杨树本身会被火攻击；然而很多树的树皮都是由死细胞组成，但白杨是活的，功能组织会和其他一样很快的在火里死去。

      The explanation is that each aspen,

while appearing to exist separately as

a single tree, is in fact only the stem or

shoot of a far larger organism. 

解释是每一棵白杨，当作为单独的一棵树存在时，它实际上只是一个大的组织系统中的一支茎秆或是嫩芽。

A group
        of thousands of aspens can actually

constitute a single organism, called a

clone, that shares an interconnected root

system and a unique set of genes. 

一组几千棵的杨树可以组成一个大的称作克隆的组织，他们共享一个互相联结的根和一组唯一的基因。

Thus, when one aspen—a single stem—dies,

 (20)      the entire clone is affected.  While alive,

a stem sends hormones into the root

system to suppress formation of further

stems.

因此，当一棵杨树，一支单独的茎秆死去时，整个的克隆会受到的影响。当活着的时候，一支茎秆向他的根系统传播激素，来抑制其他茎秆的形成。

 But when the stem dies, its

       hormone signal also ceases.

但是，当这一茎秆死去时，他的激素信号也会同时停止。

 If a clone
        loses many stems simultaneously, the

resulting hormonal imbalance triggers a

huge increase in new, rapidly growing

shoots that can outnumber the ones

destroyed. 

如果一个克隆同时失去了他所有的茎秆，所产生的激素不均衡会触发一次大规模的全新的生长，快速生长的嫩芽甚至会比失去的更多。

An aspen grove needs to

 (30)      experience fire or some other disturbance

regularly, or it will fail to regenerate and

spread. 

一片白杨树林需要有规律的经历几次山火或是其他的干扰，否则他就不能再生以及蔓延。

Instead, coniferous trees will

       invade the aspen grove’s borders and

increasingly block out sunlight needed by

the aspens.
        解释现象

相反，松树就会侵占白杨树林的边界并且不断的阻挡住白杨生长所需的阳光。

lex_xu

1.        GWD-6-Q5 to Q7发生在北美的史前物种灭绝是人为的么

      According to a theory advanced

       by researcher Paul Martin, the wave

       of species extinctions that occurred

in North America about 11,000 years

  (5)      ago, at the end of the Pleistocene era,

can be directly attributed to the arrival

of humans, i.e., the Paleoindians, who

were ancestors of modern Native

Americans.

根据pm所提出的一项理论称，大约在11000年前，也就是P时代的晚期时在北美发生的物种灭绝的浪潮可以直接归因于人类的到来，也就是现在美国土著的祖先。

 However, anthropologist

 (10)      Shepard Krech points out that large

animal species vanished even in areas

where there is no evidence to demon-

strate that Paleoindians hunted them.

然而，人类学家SK指出某些大型动物的灭绝的地区没有证据可以证明P人曾经涉足过这些区域。

Nor were extinctions confined to large

 (15)      animals:  small animals, plants, and

insects disappeared, presumably not

all through human consumption. 

也不只是大型动物：小动物，植物以及昆虫的消失推测起来也该也不全是人类的原因。

Krech
        also contradicts Martin’s exclusion of

climatic change as an explanation by

 (20)      asserting that widespread climatic

       change did indeed occur at the end of

       the Pleistocene. 

K同时质疑 M的关于气候变更的结论，指出大规模的气候变更并没有在]P时期的末期出现。

Still, Krech attributes

secondary if not primary responsibility

for the extinctions to the Paleoindians,

 (25)      arguing that humans have produced

local extinctions elsewhere.

尽管如此，K的结论对于P时期的灭绝来说如果不是主要原因的话也该是次要的原因，人类至少才其他地方造成了当地区域的灭绝。

 But, according to historian Richard White,

even the attribution of secondary

responsibility may not be supported

(30)            by the evidence. 

但是，根据历史学家RW，可能即使是次要原因也是站不住脚的。

(31)            White observes that

Martin’s thesis depends on coinciding

dates for the arrival of humans and the

       decline of large animal species, and

Krech, though aware that the dates

 (35)      are controversial, does not challenge

them;

RW发现，M的理论依靠的是人类到来的时期与大型动物灭绝的时期一致，并且尽管K明白这个时期是有争议的，但是，K并没有去求证他。

yet recent archaeological

discoveries are providing evidence

that the date of human arrival was

much earlier than 11,000 years ago.

然而，最近的人类学家的发现为之提供了线索，人类到来的时间要远早于11000年前。

lex_xu

1.        GWD-6-Q9 to Q12小树懒为什么要往他妈背上爬

      The sloth bear, an insect-eating

       animal native to Nepal, exhibits only one

       behavior that is truly distinct from that of

other bear species: 

树懒作为一种食昆虫的尼泊尔的本土的动物，所展现的只有一种行为与其他的熊类同胞不同：

the females carry

  (5)      their cubs (at least part-time) until the

cubs are about nine months old, even

though the cubs can walk on their own

at six months. 

雌性的会背着他们的幼兽知道他们大概9个月大，即使它们在6个月的时候就已经可以自己行走了。

Cub-carrying also occurs

among some other myrmecophagous

 (10)      (ant-eating) mammals; therefore, one

explanation is that cub-carrying is

necessitated by myrmecophagy, since

myrmecophagy entails a low metabolic

rate and high energy expenditure in

(15)            walking between food patches.

背着幼兽也发生在很多食蚁性的哺乳动物身上；因此，一种解释是背着幼兽对食蚁动物是必需的，因为她们遗传了在行走时低代谢，搞能量消耗。

(16)             However, although polar bears’ locomotion

is similarly inefficient, polar bear cubs

walk along with their mother. 

然而，尽管北极熊的移动同样的低效，但是他们的幼兽都是跟着妈妈行走的。

Furthermore, the daily movements of sloth

 (20)      bears and American black bears—

       which are similar in size to sloth bears

       and have similar-sized home ranges—

reveal similar travel rates and distances,

suggesting that if black bear cubs are

 (25)      able to keep up with their mother, so

too should sloth bear cubs.长毛熊cub-carrying的一种解释及缺陷

    此外，树懒和美国黑熊他们在领地和身体的尺寸上基本相同，他们的每日的移动显示出相似的移动率以及距离，说明，如果黑熊的幼兽能够跟得上他们的妈妈，那么树懒也同样跟得上。

 An alternative explanation is defense

from predation.  Black bear cubs use

trees for defense, whereas brown bears

 (30)      and polar bears, which regularly inhabit

treeless environments, rely on aggression to protect their cubs. 

另一种解释来自于掠夺行为，黑熊的幼兽使用树来作防御，然而，灰熊和北极熊生长于没有树的环境，因此通过进攻来保护他们的幼兽。

Like brown
            bears and polar bears (and unlike other

myrmecophagous mammals, which are

 (35)
               noted for their passivity), sloth bears

are easily provoked to aggression.

与灰熊和北极熊相似（不像其他那些食蚁哺乳动物以被动性著称），树懒更容易被激怒而采取进攻。

Sloth bears also have relatively large

canine teeth, which appear to be more

functional for fighting than for foraging.

 (40)     Like brown bears and polar bears,

sloth bears may have evolved in an

environment with few trees.

树懒还拥有相对来说较大的犬齿，他们的作用更像是为战斗而不是食草。像灰熊以及北极熊一样，树懒也可能已经扩展到那些没有树的环境中去了。

 They are
        especially attracted to food-rich

grasslands; although few grasslands

 (45)      persist today on the Indian subcontinent,

this type of habitat was once wide-

spread there.

他们尤其对食物充足的草原感兴趣：尽管现在在印度的次大陆只保留了很少的草原，但他们的栖息还是曾经在那里传播。

 Grasslands support

high densities of tigers, which fight and

sometimes kill sloth bears; sloth bears

 (50)      also coexist with and have been killed

by tree-climbing leopards, and are often

confronted and chased by rhinoceroses

and elephants, which can topple trees.

草原拥有大量的老虎，他们有时会捕杀树懒；树懒也同样与可以爬树的美洲虎共存或被其捕杀，同时也经常会面对或遭到那些可以倾倒大树的犀牛和大象的追捕。

Collectively these factors probably

 (55)      selected against tree-climbing as a

defensive strategy for sloth bear cubs.

所有这些方面可能都决定了树懒选择爬树作为抵御他们的策略。

Because sloth bears are smaller than

brown and polar bears and are under

greater threat from dangerous animals,

 (60)      they may have adopted the extra precaution of carrying their cubs.

因为树懒比灰熊或是北极熊小很多并且对那些有危险动物的威胁要来得更怕，他们会背起他们的幼兽来作为额外的防范措施。

 Although
        cub-carrying may also be adoptive for

myrmecophagous foraging, the behavior

of sloth bear cubs, which climb on their

 (65)      mother’s back at the first sign of danger,

suggests that predation was a key

尽管，背着幼兽这种树懒的一旦发现危险就第一时间跳上妈妈的背上的行为可能同样被食草的食蚁动物所采纳，但看起来掠夺行为才是最主要的原因。

lex_xu

1.        GWD-6-Q23 to Q26寻找钻石的新思路 

      Diamonds are almost impos-

       sible to detect directly because they

       are so rare:  very rich kimberlite

pipes, the routes through which

  (5)      diamonds rise, may contain only

three carats of diamonds per ton

of kimberlite.

钻石可以直接的被侦测到非常重要，因为他们实在是太稀少了：富含金刚岩的矿道中，在钻石形成的路线上可能每吨岩石中仅仅含有3克拉的钻石。

  Kimberlite begins as

magma in Earth’s mantle (the layer

between the crust and the core). 

金刚岩来自于地壳的岩浆（介于地表与地心之间）。

As
        the magma smashes through layers

of rock, it rips out debris, creating

a mix of liquid and solid material.

因为岩浆打碎了地表的岩石，他撕开的碎片声称了一种固液的混合体。

Some of the solid material it brings

up may come from a so-called

 (15)      diamond-stability field, where condi-

tions of pressure and temperature

are conducive to the formation of

diamonds.

一些固态物质来自于一种被称作钻石稳定性的区域，那里环境的压力以及温度非常有益于钻石的形成。

 If diamonds are to survive, though, they must shoot toward

(20)            Earth’s surface quickly.  Otherwise,

       they revert to graphite or burn.

如果钻石有幸形成的话他们必须马上被射到地球的表面，否则他们就可能恢复成石墨或者被燃烧。

       Explorers seeking diamonds look

for specks of “indicator minerals”

peculiar to the mantle but carried up

 (25)      in greater quantities than diamonds

and eroded out of kimberlite pipes

into the surrounding land.

寻找钻石的开采者们寻找在地壳表面的罕见的但是数量远大于钻石的矿石探测器的眼镜，并且侵蚀出金刚岩矿道周围的地方。，

 The standard ones are garnets, chromites,

and ilmenites.  One can spend years

 (30)      searching for indicators and tracing

them back to the pipes that are their

source;

最标准的是garnets, chromites以及 ilmenites。人们可以花上成年的时间来搜寻并且追踪到他们的藏身之所。

however, 90 percent of

       kimberlite pipes found this way are

barren of diamonds, and the rest

(35)          are usually too sparse to mine.钻石的形成过程及探察方法：寻找indicator …

然而，90%的通过这种方法所找寻到的金刚岩矿道的钻石含量都是非常低的，而其他一些甚至因为太少而不去开采了。

      In the 1970’s the process of

locating profitable pipes was refined

by focusing on the subtle differ-

ences between the chemical

 (40)     signatures of indicator minerals

found in diamond-rich pipes as

opposed to those found in barren

pipes.

70年代，富产矿的定位被精确，通过对来自于富矿以及贫矿的矿石指示剂的不同化学元素的细微的差别来确定。

 For example, G10 garnets,

a type of garnet typically found in

 (45)      diamond-rich pipes, are lower in

calcium and higher in chrome than

garnets from barren pipes. 

例如G10 garnets，典型的富矿中的石榴石比起贫矿中的含有更低的钙但拥有更高的铬。，

Geochemists John Gurney showed that

garnets with this composition were

 (50)      formed only in the diamond-stability

field; more commonly found ver-

sions came from elsewhere in the

mantle. 

地质学家JG指出，拥有这种成份的石榴石只有在钻石稳定性区域中存在；其他成分的可以在地壳的其他地方被找到。

Gurney also found that

though ilmenites did not form in the

 (55)      diamond-stability field, there was a

link useful for prospectors:  when

the iron in ilmenite was highly

oxidized, its source pipe rarely

contained any diamonds. 

G同时发现尽管钛在钻石稳定性区域中并不形成，但对采矿者来说有另一种有用的联系：当钛中的金属富氧的话，那这些矿中将少有钻石。

He reasoned that iron took on more or less

oxygen in response to conditions in

the kimberlitic magma itself—mainly

in response to heat and the avail-

able oxygen. 

他解释道在金刚岩岩浆中的金属本身或多或少的就具有一些氧为了适应其中的环境，主要是为了适应热量以及可用的氧。

When iron became

 (65)      highly oxidized, so did diamonds;

that is, they vaporized into carbon

dioxide. 1970年代方法的转变

当金属变得富氧时，钻石也同样；也就是他们都蒸发成了二氧化碳了。

lex_xu

1.        GWD-6-Q35 to Q37批判泰国经济发展动因的某一假设

(The following is excerpted from material written

in 1992.)

 

      Many researchers regard Thailand’s

       recent economic growth, as reflected by its

       gross domestic product (GDP) growth rates,

as an example of the success of a modern

  (5)      technological development strategy based

on the market economics of industrialized

countries. 

很多研究者表示认为泰国现在经济的增长是为其GDP的增长所带动，并将其作为一个基于市场自由经济的工业国家的现代技术发展策略成功的典范。

Yet by focusing solely on aggregate economic growth data as the measure

of Thailand’s development, these researchers have overlooked the economic impact of

rural development projects that improve

people’s daily lives at the village level—

such as the cooperative raising of water

buffalo, improved sanitation, and the development of food crops both for consumption
        and for sale at local markets;

然而，只是单独的关心经济增长总值来作为衡量泰国经济发展的数据的话，这些研究者们可能高估了乡村经济发展项目对乡村人们生活经济水平的影响-例如合作饲养水牛，改进卫生设施以及本地市场上用于消费以及出售的食品粮食的发展。

such projects

are not adequately reflected in the country’s

GDP.  These researchers, influenced by

Robert Heilbroner’s now outdated develop-

 (20)      ment theory, tend to view nontechnological

       development as an obstacle to progress.

这些项目不足以影响国家的GDP。这些研究者们被RH的那套现在已经过时了的发展理论所误导，趋向于认为非技术性的发展是发展的障碍。

       Heilbroner’s theory has become doctrine in

some economics textbooks:  for example,

Monte Palmer disparages nontechnological

 (25)      rural development projects as inhibiting

constructive change.

H的理论已经变成现在许多教科书中的理论：例如，MP蔑视那些乡村的非技术性的变革对建设性发展有着约束性。

Yet as Ann Kelleher’s

two recent case studies of the Thai villages

Non Muang and Dong Keng illustrate, the

nontechnological-versus-technological

 (30)      dichotomy can lead researchers not only to

overlook real advances achieved by rural

development projects but also mistakenly to

       conclude that because such advances are

initiated by rural leaders and are based on

 (35)      traditional values and practices, they retard

“real” economic development.

然而，如AK最近两项对泰国乡村的农忙和冬耕的距离研究表明，非技术性的相对技术性的分裂可以使得研究者们不仅忽视了世纪的通过乡村的发展项目所取得的成就，而且，也会错误的总结因为这些成就是由乡村领导们所实现的，基于传统的价值观以及实践，他们应该是在延缓实际上的经济增长。

小小胖子

现在的风声这么紧，LZ不要把这么珍贵的资料直接贴上来啊，弄个文档，加个密啥的，这么赤裸裸的。。。

[此贴子已经被作者于2008-7-9 19:51:05编辑过]

lex_xu

1.        GWD-7-Q6 to Q9实验证明经济雪茄人性自私的论调是错误的

      For many years, theoretical
            

       economists characterized humans

       as rational beings relentlessly
            bent

on maximizing purely selfish reward.

很多年来，理论经济学家们认为人类所表现的特征为无情的倾向于最大化自我利益的理性群体。

  (5)      Results of an experimental economics

study appear to contradict this view,

however.

然而，一项试验的经济学研究却表现出与此相矛盾的结果来。

 In the “Ultimatum Game,”

two subjects, who cannot exchange

information, are placed in separate

(10)            rooms. 

在一项最后通牒游戏中，两名对象再不可能互相交换信息的情况下被安置在一个单独的房间里。

(11)            One is randomly chosen to

propose how a sum of money, known

to both, should be shared between

them; only one offer, which must

be accepted or rejected without

(15)            negotiation, is allowed.老观点，新观点及其试验

从中随机抽选一名来提议，如何分配一笔大家都知道的钱；只允许有一名提供者在未经过沟通的前提下被接受或者被拒绝。

      If, in fact, people are selfish and

rational, then the proposer should offer

the smallest possible share, while the

responder should accept any offer,

 (20)      no matter how small:  after all, even

       one dollar is better than nothing.

实际上，如果人们都是自私的而且理性的话，那么提议者将给出最少可能的分享，然而，接受者就只能接受任何的供给，及时他很小：最终，即使只有1美元也比没有要强很多。

 In   numerous trials, however, two-thirds

of the offers made were between-

40 and 50 percent; only 4 percent

 (25)      were less than 20 percent. 

然而，在大量的实验中，有三分之二的人提供了40-50%的钱，只有4%少于20%。

Among
        responders, more than half who were

offered less than 20 percent rejected

the offer. 

在回应者中，有一半以上的被提供少于20%的人拒绝了这次供给。

Behavior in the game did not

appreciably depend on the players’

(30)            sex, age, or education. 

游戏中的人的行为并不取决于其性别，年龄以及教育背景。

Nor did the

amount of money involved play a

significant role:  for instance, in trials

       of the game that were conducted in

Indonesia, the sum to be shared was

 (35)
               as much as three times the subjects’

average monthly income, and still

responders refused offers that they

deemed too small.试验反驳老观点

也不取决于游戏中钱的多少：例如，在印尼的实验中，金钱的总和几乎是参与者月收入的3倍，但承受者仍然会拒绝那些他们认为太小的提供者。

lex_xu

1.        GWD-7-Q10 to Q12美国妇女教育源于美国的独立革命么

      Linda Kerber argued in the mid-

       1980’s that after the American Revolution

       (1775-1783), an ideology of “republican

motherhood” resulted in a surge of edu-

  (5)      cational opportunities for women in the

United States.

LK在80年代中期美国大革命后对一种称为共和国母亲的意识形态所导致的一场美国妇女为争取受教育机会的浪潮进行讨论。

 Kerber maintained that

the leaders of the new nation wanted

women to be educated in order to raise

politically virtuous sons. 

K坚称新政府的领导人们希望妇女接受教育从而可以养育在政治上善良的后代们。

A virtuous citizenry was considered essential to the

success of the country’s republican form

of government; virtue was to be instilled

not only by churches and schools, but

by families, where the mother’s role

(15)            was crucial. 

一伙善良的市民被认为是政府共和形式成功的基础。

(16)            Thus, according to Kerber,

motherhood became pivotal to the fate

of the republic, providing
            justification for

an unprecedented attention to female

education.  LK的观点

因此，根据K的观点，假若对于女性教育空前的关注这一观点合理的话，那么母亲就成为了共和国命运的关键，

 (20)            Introduction of the republican moth-

       erhood thesis dramatically changed

       historiography. 

共和国母亲这一理论的引入，在历史中有着引人注目的变化。

Prior to Kerber’s work,

educational historians barely mentioned

women and girls; Thomas Woody’s 1929

(25)            work is the notable exception.

在K的研究工作之前，教育历史学家很少提及妇女及女孩；TW的1929年的研究却是个非常显著的例外。

(26)             Examining

newspaper advertisements for academies, Woody found that educational

opportunities increased for both girls

and boys around 1750. 

通过对教育院校报纸广告的研究，W发现女孩与男孩的受

教育机会自1750来都有所增长。

Pointing to “An

 (30)      Essay on Woman” (1753) as reflecting

a shift in view, Woody also claimed that

practical education for females had

       many advocates before the Revolution.

W指出1753年一篇关于妇女的论文反映出观念上的一种变迁，同时他也称在大革命之前对妇女们的实践教育已经为许多人所提倡。

Woody’s evidence challenges the notion

 (35)
               that the Revolution changed attitudes

regarding female education, although it

may have accelerated earlier trends.

W 的证据挑战着关于大革命改变了人们对女性教育的态度的观念，尽管他也可能只是对此前一种趋势的加速。

Historians’ reliance on Kerber’s “repub-

      lican motherhood” thesis may have

 (40)     obscured the presence of these trends,

making it difficult to determine to what

extent the Revolution really changed

women’s lives. Woody的观点以及和LK观点之不同

历史学家们对K的共和国母亲理论的信任可能得自于这些趋势，但这使得人们很难去评判大革命究竟对女性生活的改变到一个什么样的程度。

lex_xu

1.        GWD-7-Q22 to Q25形成火山的两个机理

      Earth’s surface consists of rigid

       plates that are constantly shifting and

       jostling one another. 

地球的表面由坚硬的板块组成，他们不断的漂移并相互碰撞。

Plate movements
        are the surface expressions of motions

  (5)      in the mantle—the thick shell of rock

that lies between Earth’s crust and its

metallic core. 

板块的移动是介于地壳和其金属核心之间的那些厚厚的岩石的运动的表象。

Although the hot rock of

the mantle is a solid, under the tremendous pressure of the crust and

 (10)      overlying rock of the mantle, it flows like

a viscous liquid.

尽管地球覆盖物中的灼热的岩石是固态的，但是在地壳和下面的岩石的极大的压力作用下，使得他们像粘滞的液体一般在流动。

The mantle’s motions,

analogous to those in a pot of boiling

water, cool the mantle by carrying hot

material to the surface and returning

(15)            cooler material to the depths.

覆盖物的运动，类似于那些在一壶沸水中一样，通过把那些热的物质搬运到表面并且把冷的物质带回到深处来对覆盖物进行冷却。

(16)             When

the edge of one plate bends under

another and its cooler material is con-

sumed in the mantle, volcanic activity

occurs as molten
            lava rises from the

 (20)      downgoing plate and erupts through the

       overlying one.地球板块运动及火山爆发产生

当一个板块的边缘弯曲到另一个的下方时，他的冷的物质在覆盖物中被消耗，火山的活动以熔化的火山岩从向下的板块中出现并从下面的板块中爆发的形式产生。

             Most volcanoes occur at plate

boundaries.  However, certain “mis-

placed” volcanoes far from plate

 (25)      edges result from a second, indepen-

dent mechanism that cools the deep

interior of Earth.

大部分的火山产生在地壳的边缘。然而，那些远离板块边缘的被误置的火山却是来自于另一个独立的冷却地球内部深层的机械结构

Because of its proximity to Earth’s core, the rock at the

base of the mantle is much hotter than

 (30)      rock in the upper mantle.  The hotter the

mantle rock is, the less it resists flow-

ing.  Reservoirs of this hot rock collect

       in the base of the mantle. 

因为它非常接近于地核，在这层覆盖物下面的岩石会比上面的岩石要热得多。岩石越热就越不会阻碍流动。这些热的岩石的水库就在覆盖物的底部聚集。

When a

reservoir is sufficiently large, a sphere

 (35)
               of this hot rock forces its way up

through the upper mantle to Earth’s

surface, creating a broad bulge in the

topography. 

当一个水库足够大时，这些岩石就会形成一个球体冲破上面覆盖物到地球表面，形成一个地形学山的大的凸起。

The “mantle plume” thus

      formed, once established, continues to

 (40)     channel hot material from the mantle

base until the reservoir is emptied.

这个覆盖物的地柱也就因此而形成了，一旦产生，就会持续的引导这些来自覆盖物下面的热的物质直到水库流干为止。

The surface mark of an established

plume is a hot spot—an isolated

region of volcanoes and uplifted terrain

 (45)      located far from the edge of a surface

plate. 

一个已经确立的地柱的表面的标志是一个热的场所，也就是一块单独的火山以及位于远离板块边缘的上升地形的区域

Because the source of a hot

spot remains fixed while a surface

plate moves over it, over a long period

of time an active plume creates a chain

 (50)      of volcanoes or volcanic islands, a

track marking the position of the plume

relative to the moving plate. 

因为这个场所的热源会在一个表层的板块移过它时而保持不变，因此，在很长的一段时间里，一个活动的地柱会产生一系列的火山以及火山岛，作为一个标志来标示地柱相对于移动板块之间的位置所在。

The natural

history of the Hawaiian island chain

clearly shows the movement of the

Pacific plate over a fixed plume.
        不在边缘火山爆发原因解释

关于夏威夷群岛的大自然的历史就说明了太平洋板块相对于一个固定的地柱的移动。