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Q25 to 28 In mid-February 1917 a women’s movement independent of political affiliation erupted in Line New York City, the stronghold of (5) the Socialist party in the United states. Protesting against the high cost of living, thousands of women refused to buy chickens, fish, and vegetables. The boycott shut. (10) down much of the City’s foodstuffs marketing for two weeks, riveting public attention on the issue of food prices, which had increased partly as a result of increased (15) exports of food to Europe that had been occurring since the outbreak of the First World War. By early 1917 the Socialist party had established itself as a (20) major political presence in New York
City. New York Socialists, whose customary spheres of struggle were electoral work and trade union organizing, seized the (25) opportunity and quickly organized an extensive series of cost-of- living protests designed to direct the women’s movement toward Socialist goals. Underneath the (30) Socialists’ brief commitment to cost-of-living organizing lay a basic indifference to the issue itself. While some Socialists did view price protests as a direct (35) step toward socialism, most Socialists ultimately sought to divert the cost-of-living movement into alternative channels of protest. Union organizing, they argued, (40) was the best method through which to combat the high cost of living. For others, cost-of-living or oganiz- ing was valuable insofar as it led women into the struggle for suf- (45) frage, and similarly, the suffrage struggle was valuable insofar as it moved United States society one step closer to socialism. Although New York’s Social- (50) ists saw the cost-of-living issue as, at best ,secondary or tertiary to the real task at hand, the boy- cotters, by sharp contrast, joined
the price protest movement out of
(55) an urgent and deeply felt commit-
ment to the cost-of-living issue. A shared experience of swiftly declining living standards caused by rising food prices drove these (60) women to protest. Consumer organizing spoke directly to their daily lives and concerns; they
saw cheaper food as a valuable
end in itself. Food price protests (65) were these women’s way of orga- nizing at their own workplace, as workers whose occupation was shopping and preparing food for their families. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Q26 It can be inferred from the passage that the goal of the boycotting women was the A. achievement of an immediate economic outcome B. development of a more socialistic society C. concentration of widespread consumer protests on the more narrow issue of food prices D. development of one among a number of different approaches that the women wished to employ in combating the high cost of living. E. attraction of more public interest to issues that the women and the New York Socialists considered important. Answer:c mine:a 定位:我在文中标出的黑体部分:immediate对urgent economic outcome 对a valuable
end
end c的错误在于more,文章没说boycotter的scope问题 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Q27 Which of the following best states the function of the passage as a whole? A. To contrast the views held by the Socialist party and by the boycotting women of New York City on the cost-of-living issue B. To analyze the assumptions underlying oppos- ing viewpoints within the New York Socialist party of 1917 C. To provide a historical perspective on different approaches to the resolution of the cost-of- living issue. D. To chronicle the sequence of events that led to the New York Socialist party’s emergence as a political power E. To analyze the motivations behind the Socialist party’s involvement in the women’s suffrage movement. Answer:c mine:a 很明显吧,p1介绍了boycot概况 p2说了共产党的views p3说了妇女的views C. To provide a historical perspective on different approaches to the resolution of the cost-of- living issue. 没说- a historical perspective 啊-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
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