经过群里战友同意，来论坛放狗。然后群里元元考古后，经过战友确认 考的 都是这三篇 （offline确认换库）
1. 植物生长与铁
【V1】
说是一个理论认为iron的多少会影响植物生长 植物的光合作用又是会吸收CO2的 所以说iron会decrease温室效应
第二段用了冰川世纪的第一个例子
【V2】
一个新的研究假设，给海水中的增加iron有利于缓解CO2温室效应。大概的原理是：海洋里面有海藻，海洋里面各种别的营养元素都挺多的，就是少iron让海藻生长。。海藻长的越多，其光合作用吸收CO2，有利于减轻温室效应。
最新的一个发现可以加强这个假设：在ice age的冰层(还是啥的)中发现xxx，证明那个时候的气候比较干燥。所以那个时候很有可能是风把陆地上的iron dust吹到了海中，所以CO2含量比较低。
【V3】by Sophie90430—上月阅读君
关于水藻和二氧化碳的关系，小半屏幕，两段，不难
第一段：水中的iron能减缓全球变暖，因为iron能影响水藻的生长。后面是一个research，说海洋中的养分很多，能促进水生物的生长，尤其是水藻，但是在一些地方，其他养分(磷，bla bla)很多，却并没有很多水藻，然后调查发现这些地方的iron含量都很少，所以如果增加iron含量，就能促进水藻生长，进而通过光合作用吸收更多的二氧化碳。
第二段，是继续证明第一段的contention：说另一个研究是关于冰层中的气泡(没错，就是和上个月的一个寂静很像)，说通过这个气泡可以研究古时候atmosphere的，然后说glacier时二氧化碳含量低，通过研究表明当时的环境drier以及dusty与现在相比，因而可能导致很多iron从continent流动到ocean(意思就是证明了第一段的观点，其中作者态度很明确)
以上是我印象中的全文结构，应该基本上还原了80%的主题内容，这个我相当确认。
【考古】
V1往大海里加铁让一种海藻快点长以减少CO2，问削弱。
V2(from 特仑苏爸爸)710科学家想通过促进海面一种水生植物的生长来应对二氧化碳，因为这些植物可以吸收二氧化碳。方法是往这些海水里头加大量的铁元素好像，科学家觉得这样一定可以促进该植物生长吸收二氧化碳。问题是以下哪个选项是削弱的(这道我很可能算错了)
1. 海水中的铁元素含量本来对就已经足够多了。
2.往海水中加铁元素会影响其他一些对该植物生长有关键作用的物质的存在，进而影响该植物生长(貌似我选了这个)
3. 该植物的生长促进鱼类生长，鱼类释放更多二氧化碳这题几个答案怎么看上去都有些像，期待后面考试的同学再补全下信息
考古
V1浮游生物和铁的那题，说浮游生物吸收二氧化碳有两个条件：阳光和一个n打头的什么东东，好象是什么营养物质吧，我选的是把铁和n那个东东联系起来的选项。
V2科学家们减少地球的二氧化碳量，说这样就要在南太平洋增加IRON。后来解释这是因为种一种什么可以吸引空气中二氧化碳的植物靠IRON生长。问下面哪个选项weaken?
我选了“南太平洋的这样植物死后都会沉下海底，分解为二氧化碳，其量和之前吸引的一样
2.用电 本月原始
V1：个人用电跟industrial的关系，举例是造铝业。
V2：还有一个，是关于一个制造行业的吧。是有个新发现，越冷，flow就越快。(有一道题为影响flow的因素除了哪个，答案就在原文第一段前面几行。有damp，particle size，partical质量，温度……)
考古版
[v1]：还有一篇是说市场的price和XXX(我忘记了)类似解释了一下市场的运作机制？用的能源产业做的例子，第一段是讲consumer第二段是讲producer。中间有一道题目蛮难的，大概就是说作者的idea是什么，我选的好像是decision reflect什么什么那个，因为实在看不出来……
[v2]：被划掉的market exchange and consumer choice一篇，文章大意是concumer的choice通常会受很多因素的影响，但是consumer choice也会反过来影响market manufacturer的选择。
[v3]：第一段：个人是可以对整个社会有影响的。如果电费上升，个人需求会下降，进而别人可以使用的量也增加。而别人可以使用的量增加也可以促进产业发展，拿铝业来举例。
第二例：铝业当电费上升，铝业就会怎样怎样......
题：个人可以怎样影响产业？应该是定位在第一段尾。
添加考古
有一个我没见到的是：两段。
P1：市场的价格和量由消费者决定(好像是)。现在电费可以影响人们的行为。电费高大家节约，电费低大家浪费。——电费又可以影响发电厂竞争，谁的产电成本低谁有竞争优势。——人的选择，进而发电成本，还会影响铝的生产和价格。
P2：铝的生产者有的用电效率高，有的低。电费高时，用电效率高的生产成本低，铝的价格也就低，有竞争优势。因此，尽管消费者只是做了一点点小决策，也对市场有大影响。
题目：主旨；以下哪个选项的作用过程与文中Al相似；第二段最后一句话作用。
古中古灰
【版本一】
还有一篇阅读是说价格和供求的关系，第一段提出这种消费者行为不仅会对该行业产生影响还会影响其他行业，段末举了消费者用电和铝厂的例子，这个例子出了题问他说明消费者的行为可以直接影响什么，选项一个好像是其他消费者行为还有一个好像是铝厂的生产效率。第二段就详细分析了铝厂和用电的关系。第一道问题是问如果政府要节约水资源可以通过什么方式，选项一个是保证让水价由市场决定并保证供求平衡，还有一个是加税好像，其他不记得了
【版本二】
第四篇遇到的是一个什么一个领域的demand 和supply 会影响另外的行业，举了一个关于制铝的工厂和什么电力消耗的例子，这篇是最后的一篇不是很长但是我完全没读懂，耗了一会时间导致最后的5道题开始瞎作，剩五秒钟搞定。
【版本三】
是价格和消费之间的关系。说电价上涨消费者就会少用电，由于电价上涨生产铝的企业也受影响。反正就是讲price的变化带来的消费的变化
有一道题是按照文章的逻辑，政府要让消费者节约用水应怎样做：我选的是应让市场根据需要和质量来调节价格，最长的一项
还有一项是main idea题
【版本四】
2段， 第一段是概述观点，说市场的供需关系，决定了individual 对资源的利用，从而影响企业生产的资源。第二段举了个alumium生产的例子。
有题目问 主旨，第二段的作用 还有一道infer题问下面哪一项是体现文中的观点
【版本五】
讲个人出于经济上的利益作出的一些行为会对全社会有益。电的价格涨了，那么人们会节省用电，留给他人更多的可用电能。电价涨了，使制铝的成本上升了，那么一些铝的节能经济的替代品就更多的出现在市场上。总之个人出于自身经济利益的行为，会使整个经济整个社会向节能方向发展
【版本六】
P1：首句说好像是individual pursue self interest和最终social welfare越来越一致了(两个目标的gap narrow了)。然后先举了电价上升例子
P2举了铝的例子
Q1.主旨：貌似
Q2：好像是什么electronic price上升会导致啥结果(原文提到了什么大家都去用substitute energy啊，什么铝价也会上升啊，什么什么之类的，读的时候注意吧)
电力价格与生产效率
【版本七】
一篇是讲那个市场机制能够提高社会福利的，一段将电力价格上涨，消费者会少用点或者转向更有效率的发电厂，二段将这也适合于生产铝的企业，说电的价格上升，铝的生产者会转向别的资源，更加节约电或者是转向有生产效率的电力提供者
【版本八】
P1：人们将correlate personal interest with social welfare。
电价高，人们节约；电价低，人们consume more。
P2：electricity price上升导致aluminum价格compared with other supplanted metal 上升。
不管是否知道价格上涨，人们很自然地会选择efficient的supplier。
【版本九】
题目定位了p1的最后一句话，“电价上升导致了xxx， xxx， xxx”
然后问“电价上升directly影响了___________” 我纠结啊纠结啊！！！我仔细研究了一下，因为有directly，所以不能选那些要拐一个弯的答案，选那个看起来最傻×的就成。不过具体答案还是忘记了……sorry……
【版本十】
一篇新狗，讲market price， 说消费者的抉择不仅体现了个人偏好，也影响市场价格。举了电价为例，不同的人对空调的温度偏好不同会导致电价的变化什么，然后电价的变化又会影响到其他产业
举了铝的生产为例
【版本十一】
第四篇是电力价格与生产效率，很短。
Q1.主旨题。具体记不清了，很容易，选那个最宏观的，其他选项都很片面。
Q2.electronic price上升directly会导致什么结果。答案也记不清了，但是那几个选项都是在原文中连续出现的，很容易找。
【版本十二】
我记得electricity price里面有道题问electricity price上涨，不会导致下面哪个，我觉得是机经的变体，我选的是electricity production 会上涨，但我不确定，有个比较纠结的选项说availability of electricity production...，其他几个选项文章里都有提到；考到了主旨题，我选的是有关一些individual 的决定会影响其他individual 的一些决定，但也不确定……不好意思啊。
【版本十三】
Q1.主旨——个人消费对私人和社会都有影响 大概是这意思 就说个人消费对XX和XX有影响的
我傻x的选了个人消费的好处嗯这是另外一个选了你后悔的选项= = 不要选！！！
Q2.价格上升造成的后果下列文中没提到的是
我选了影响部分消费者的消费 注意 这是错的！错的！！！
还有影响产品的市场占有率，影响铝的价格
这些都是错的= = 是文中提到了的千万别选选了就后悔orz
正确的我忘了 因为到了第二题才想起来第一题错了orz
Q3 价格上升的直接后果 (这题我有点儿失忆.....)反正是directly啥选了啥我忘了现在想想大概这篇阅读我全都选错了 我的娘.....orz
用电效率提高(失忆了不太确定)
铝价格上升，什么其他资源价格上升，供电多了
【版本十四】
Q1. 文章的目的：
狗主选了 advance in personal interests will also advance in industrial interests大概是这样……
Q2. highlight第一段最后一句话，问higher electricity price infer了什么
还有一题忘了
3.女权 1. 女性政治运动
【V1】
关于女性政治运动的。历史上有个人参加了很多社区活动，作出了很多贡献，包括教育、新闻出版、XX Agent、racial organization。但是由于当时给“political activity”的定义比较局限，仅限于跟选票或者政治工作相关(这个忘了)。所以这位女同志的行为不能称为政治运动。 后来就是给政治运动重新定义，然后这些活动就得到平反。
【题目】有个细节题，考的是哪个活动是这个女同志没有做过的，答案就是除了以上给出的教育，新闻出版，XX Agent和racial organization之外的那个，好像是court of law.
【考古待确定…】
V1.
B女士很多功绩被认可。但她作为民权(or女权)的努力没得到recognize，因为以前对政治运动家的定义是在此类机构工作。近年开始一些女权主义者建议重新定义政治运动家云云.
V2:
另一篇，是讲得关于女权的，关键词是feminist historian redefinit political activity好像是，就是讲得一个女权主义者做了很多事情，但是一直没有被大家认为是政治家，就说原因是学者对political activity的定义，说原来是要参加major voting什么的，....blblalba
V3:
P1：好像是黑人妇女(忘了是不是黑人了……)争取Justice做了很多工作，包括government.., articles, schools…做了很多，此处有道题问哪一项不是她做的，卤煮选了law。。。但她做了这么多却不被历史学家认可，因为gender问题，还有一个什么来着忘了( ⊙ o ⊙ )(此处有考题)
P2：后来很多女性也开始开展活动……唉这篇做的好残，后来第二段差不多都忘了。
V4：
有一篇就是那个黑人妇女，说B那个人虽然有很多功绩，但是她为女权的努力一直没有得到认可、这是因为过去政治家定义政治运动必须是在此类机构中工作的人才能领导的。 第二段是说近年来女权主义者建议重新定义政治运动家。认为一个人只要对人类有贡献的，推动人权发展的就可以被认为是政治家.. 之后有四道题，有一个题目是问B女士属于下面哪个类型的..好像有个选项是说她是没有创立任何政党的政治家。好像这个选项是对的..
V6：
第二个是Bethune，那个女权的，说她做了一大堆什么贡献，但是没有被当做political leader，因为传统观念里political leader是选举出来的政府组织里的人。后来第二段说很多feminist historian发现这个定义不对，又重新定义了，之后Bethune就被认为是political leader了。几乎是jj里那篇英文的变体。问了一个稳重提到feminist historian的目的是什么，选项忘了…………sorry
V7：
有一名黑人妇女在1800后期到1900年之间非常活跃的参加了很多争取黑人和妇女权益的活动，其中包括组建学校，参与政府机关的工作等等。可是她的这些 “政治”活动并没有得到当时的认可，因为那时候对“政治”的定义有很多的歧视。这一现象到后来许多女权历史学家和政治家开始出现的时候才有了改变，他们对 “政治行为”重新定义了，并认可了这个黑人妇女的杰出贡献。
V8：
两段，就是JJ上的原文。第一段是传统的定义，第二段讲新的定义。
Q1 作者可能同意以下哪个? B从来没有被elected为美国政府人员。剩下的答案不是文章里面没有提到就是作者反对的。 Q2 哪件B没有做过，我找了下文章里面没有出现“education, government, and women's associations”的原话，但是有其他事情可以说明她做了这些(第一段)，所以选了剩下的court law那个 Q3有一题比较搞，问的是下面哪像可以strengthen that B不被historian认为是political leader 答案记得有几个是单独feminine historianxxxx的，这些我都没有选，觉得和第一个理论没有关系。 我选的是historian之后承认B的political leader的地位是feminine historian带来的。
V9：
Bethurne作为政治活动家身份不被认同，后来女权主义者提出重新定义政治活动的那篇。考了一个下列哪一个B女士没有做的，我貌似选了跟court law之类的相关的一个选项，看来看去没看到她跟law什么的有关...
V10：
这篇反反复复都是围绕某一句话的提问，就是关于学者对于政治活动的定义的那部分，然后就是为什么这些学者不认为她是政治家?作者支持什么之类等等，反复在这里绕。考了一个文中没有提到这个女士参与到哪个活动中。我选了有law的，这题非常确定。
V11
第二篇又是JJ有原文的!狗主真是运气太好了!Bethune女权。不过题目比较麻烦，特别是主旨题，每个选项都有三行!句子比较复杂，中间夹杂着修饰语，狗主看了好一会，才确认选A，中间有个插入语，based on....还有问提到feminist historian干什么?还有个题目问后来的女权运动家什么，是选妇女不用参加政府组织，仔细排除选项中有文中提到过的词但是没这个意思的。 In many ways, Mary Jane McLeod Bethune's life was representative of the lives of many African American women of her time: she was deeply grounded in religion and family, and intensely committed to racial advancement. Yet, Bethune became one of the most important African American women in American political history. She came to occupy a prominent place among a select group of black men and women designated as “race leaders”—men and women who devoted their lives to advancing African American equality. They became the public voice of the voiceless masses, speaking of the collective identity of people of color and arguing for equal social, economic, and political rights. Bethune was certainly a pivotal member of this group as her efforts advanced equal opportunity for black Americans on all levels for nearly half a century. Yet, Bethune distinguished herself from other race leaders by steadfastly incorporating the struggle for gender equality within her efforts for black equality. By advocating and training black women for visible and increasing public leadership roles, she ensured an expanding role for African American women in the formal political realm. She believed this would automatically lead to advancement for the entire race, as black women then were more inclined than black men to use public positions for group advancement.
Bethune's exposure to strong, independent female role models allowed her to develop her unwavering belief in the primary responsibility of black women for sustaining the race. Her grandmother, mother, and female teachers demonstrated how black women who embraced “a larger appreciation for good citizenship, cleanliness, beauty, thoughtfulness” could lead African Americans as “the mothers of the race, the homemakers and spiritual guides.” Bethune believed African American women had an obligation to understand these responsibilities and use their status to fight for equality. She publicly endorsed the notion of women's higher moral capacity, recognized the important contribution women could make to racial uplift, and continually worked to expand women's roles toward that end. Bethune was a truly multifaceted and multidimensional race woman. She fought on a variety of levels and used multiple outlets—education, government, and women's associations—in her quest for a more just society. Some black women leaders before her gained more recognition than she achieved in her lifetime, but none before her, and few afterwards, were more effective in developing women's leadership for the cause of racial justice.
Despite her multiple political activities, Bethune has not been recognized as a black political leader. This is attributable in large part to the traditional definition of political activity used by many historians and political scientists: political activity encompasses the actions of individually elected officials and the workings of government. It also rests upon a conventionally accepted and gender-biased idea of a leader as a “spokesman”, and of politics as voting, electioneering, and office holding. This traditional research defines women's political participation as atypical, seeing women as inadequately socialized into the political process. It ties women's political activism to their social roles as wives and mothers. Women such as Bethune who entered the public arena and fought for substantive reform while remaining grounded in networks of kin, church, and community were left out of political history. As feminist historians have become more interested in political history, they have worked to redefine politics as any “activity [that] includes all community work which is oriented to change through multifaceted goals including service, support, public education and advocacy. Political orientation [is adapted] to changing the public agenda through planned and implemented actions.” Empowerment is an important part of women's politicization and begins when women “change their ideas about the causes of their powerlessness, when they recognize the systematic forces that oppress them, and when they act to change the conditions of their lives. Using this definition, black women who worked through voluntary associations and community organizations became political leaders because they brought particular issues to the attention of politicians and the public. They fought for equal opportunity for African American men and women at a time when America had neither the will nor the desire to make a commitment to racial or sexual equality. Bethune is one such woman who deserves recognition as a political leader based upon the depth and breadth of her political activities.
However, even the few historians who have given passing attention to Bethune's political accomplishments have misinterpreted the means, techniques, and actions she employed in pursuing equality. When examined individually, the choices she made throughout her lifetime often appear contradictory, unless we understand that Bethune had one foot in the nineteenth century and one in the twentieth. She was a transitional figure. Initially grounded in the nineteenth-century belief that advancement would come through changing individual behavior, Bethune in the twentieth century quickly recognized that inequality was deeply rooted in American institutions. She began to see that the focal point for African Americans should no longer be on changing individual attitudes and behaviors, but rather on changing social, economic, and political institutions that shaped collective opinions. She worked diligently to transform local community groups into political power bases and promoted the formation of a national coalition that would work to alter social, economic, and political institutions. In these efforts, she used two conceptually distinct levels of activism. In some instances,
Bethune based her activism on informal political activities that were distinctly nonconfrontational and designed to quietly undermine racial and gender stereotypes. Yet, when dealing with egregious incidents involving institutional inequality, Bethune often engaged in overtly formal political action that publicly challenged the basic principles of the American democratic system. She astutely gauged her activism to fit the particular circumstances. And no matter which course Bethune decided to pursue, she sought a peaceful, yet political, means to achieve social, economic, and political justice.
Mary Jane McLeod Bethune was born on July 10, 1875, in Mayesville, South Carolina, the fifteenth of seventeen children born to Samuel and Patsy McLeod. She was educated at the local missionary school, then received scholarships from a Quaker dressmaker that enabled her to attend Scotia Seminary and Moody Bible Institute. Between 1895 and 1903, she taught at a number of small missionary schools throughout the South, including Haine's Institute in Augusta, Georgia. In 1898, she met and married Albertus Bethune and in 1899 gave birth to her only child, Albert McLeod Bethune. In 1904, she traveled to Daytona Beach, Florida, where she established the Daytona Educational and Industrial Institute for Negro Girls capitalized with her personal savings of $1.50. By 1912, the school offered a liberal arts high school curriculum and employed nine full- time teachers. In 1923, Daytona Institute merged with Cookman Institute, becoming the coeducational Bethune-Cookman College. Bethune-Cookman became the first fully accredited four-year college for blacks in Florida. Bethune served as its president until 1942. In addition to establishing and operating Daytona Institute, Bethune served in a variety of roles in a diverse array of commissions and organizations. She was recognized as an expert on black education and was an active member of the National Commission for Child Welfare under Presidents Coolidge and Hoover. She was also president of state, regional, and national women's clubs including the Florida State Federation of Colored Women's Clubs, the Southeastern Federation of Colored Women's Clubs, and the National Association of Colored Women's Clubs (NACW). In 1927, she met Eleanor Roosevelt through her position as president of the National Association of Colored Women's Clubs and by 1935 their growing friendship led to her appointment as director of the Office of Minority Affairs in the National Youth Administration, the first federal office created for a black woman. In the same year, Bethune organized the National Council of Negro Women (NCNW), an umbrella organization designed to give black women political visibility and access to political power on the national level. Bethune continued to serve African Americans through a federal appointment in 1942 as special assistant to the Secretary of War for Selection of Candidates for the first Officers Candidate School for WACS. In 1945, President Harry Truman named Bethune to his Civil Rights Commission and as the only African American woman consultant to the San Francisco Conference to draw up the charter for the United Nations.
During her lifetime, Bethune received numerous awards, eight honorary degrees, and held affiliations with at least seventy-five organizations, including the General Conference of the Methodist Church, the Women's Army for National Defense, National Commission on Christian Education, American Women's Volunteer Service, Southern Conference Education Fund, American Mother's Committee, Council of Church Women, Social Service Commission of the Methodist Church, Americans for Democratic Action, National Civil Liberties Union, First Daytona Beach Housing Authority, American Council on African Education, Inc., National Committee on Atomic Information, Good Neighbor Association, Daytona Beach, Florida, the International Longfellow Society, National Council of Women of the United States, vice president of the Southern Conference for Human Welfare, a director of the Afro-American Life Insurance Company, and the vice president of the Central Life Insurance Company. She founded the Mary McLeod Bethune Foundation, and Bethune Beach, Inc. Bethune received honorary degrees from Wilberforce University, South Carolina State College, Lincoln University, Tuskegee University, Howard University, Bennett College, West Virginia State College, and Rollins College. She was rewarded for her service to the race and her commitment to American democracy by receiving the Spingarn Medal, the Thomas Jefferson Award, the First Annual Youth City Award, the Haitian Medal of Honor, and the Star of Africa. In addition to her service work, Bethune made many literary contributions, including one chapter in What the Negro Wants, one chapter in Spiritual Autobiography,a weekly column in the Chicago Defender and the Pittsburgh Courier, and numerous articles in magazines and periodicals including editorials for Afraamerican Woman and Women United, the official publications of the National Council of Negro Women. Journalist Ida Tarbell named her among the fifty women regarded as having done the most for the welfare of the United States. Bethune died on May 18, 1955.
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发表于 2020-7-8 00:05:39
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