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JOURNAL ARTICLE
Why People Stay: Using Job Embeddedness to Predict Voluntary TurnoverTerence R. Mitchell, Brooks C. Holtom, Thomas W. Lee, Chris J. Sablynski and Miriam Erez
The Academy of Management Journal
Vol. 44, No. 6 (Dec., 2001), pp. 1102-1121
Published by: Academy of Management
DOI: 10.2307/3069391
https://www.jstor.org/stable/3069391
Page Count: 20
是原文吗?
第一篇是那个job embedded那个,之前看构筑提到了,就是说以前认为影响离职率有什么job satisfaction,什么的忘了。然后一个科学家提出了job embedded的概念,离职率由三个因素影响, 一个是社交, 一个是跟生活的联系, 一个是离职需要放弃的东西。 记不太清了,但不难。第二段就是解释。整体文章不难。有一个问下面那个人有least job embedded,我选的那个工作需要经常出差的。别的题忘了。
Abstract
A new construct, entitled "job embeddedness," is introduced. It includes individuals' (1) links to other people, teams, and groups, (2) perceptions of their fit with job, organization, and community, and (3) what they say they would have to sacrifice if they left their jobs. We developed a measure of job embeddedness with two samples. The results show that job embeddedness predicts the key outcomes of both intent to leave and "voluntary turnover" and explains significant incremental variance over and above job satisfaction, organizational commitment, job alternatives, and job search.
Hypothesis 1. Job embeddedness is negatively correlated with employee intent to leave and subsequent voluntary turnover.
Hypothesis 2. Job embeddedness improves the prediction of voluntary turnover, going above and beyond that accounted for by job satisfaction and organizational commitment.
Hypothesis 3. Job embeddedness accounts for prediction of voluntary turnover that is above and beyond that accounted for by perceived alternatives and job search.
Job embeddedness may also be related to other dependent variables. Although it was designed specifically to predict why people stay on a job (and in that sense, its purpose is different from those of other constructs, such as job satisfaction and organizational identity), job embeddedness may also predict variables that are similarly beneficial to organizations. People who are more embedded, for example, may be absent less, work harder, perform better, and engage in more organizational citizenship behaviors than people who are less embedded. These questions merit further research.
A final conceptual issue that needs attention is whether job embeddedness could actually facilitate leaving. There are two rather indirect ways this could happen. First, people having many links are likely "well networked." Strong networks, especially off-the-job, might lead to unsolicited job offers or knowledge about other positions. Also, being highly embedded at work might lead to work-family role conflicts, and such conflicts might result in turnover. Thus, although job embeddedness focuses on how stuck employees are in their current situations, such stuckness might result in secondary circumstances that eventually cause them to leave.
A more general critical question is why researchers and others should care about embeddedness. How important is it? What does it add to the literature and to our understanding of leaving and staying? Obviously, one argument for its importance is the statistical findings that support the hypotheses. However, one could argue that these increments are not terribly large and may not be large enough to warrant the use of a new construct and a new measure.
We think there are at least three reasons, besides the data, that support its conceptual value. First, job embeddedness captures some theoretical ideas (supported by recent research) that off-the-job and nonaffective factors can influence turnover. Thus, the embeddedness construct reflects some current thinking about retention. It adds coherence (or clarity) to the extensive list of work and nonwork factors that create forces for staying on a job.
Second, thinking about job embeddedness is quite different from thinking about increasing satisfaction or commitment. That is, the levers or factors that researchers, as well as managers, need for managing turnover are conceptually very different. For example, links to organization can be increased by making people mentors and putting them on long-term projects. Links and fit to community can be influenced by providing resources and support for community activities and involvement. On- and off-the-job perks linked to longevity can increase sacrifice issues. Thus, job embeddedness points theory, research, and practice in some new directions.
Third, other approaches (e.g., Lee & Mitchell, 1994) have suggested that many people leave their jobs for reasons other than dissatisfaction (shocks, or specific events, are a key example) and many people leave without doing a job search. Being less embedded does not push an employee to leave a job as dissatisfaction does (for instance, someone can have a low level of embeddedness but be satisfied with a job). What low levels of embeddedness may do is make employees susceptible to shocks and dissatisfaction-if they occur, it is easier to search and/or leave. Thus, understanding how embeddedness might deflect shocks and diminish job search may increase understanding of turnover.
In summary, we believe that this study makes an important contribution to the organizational attachment literature. It suggests some new and intriguing ways to think about employee retention. Apparently, being embedded in an organization and a community is associated with reduced intent to leave and reduced actual leaving. These findings appear to support the current emphasis in the academic and popular press on the need for organizations to be concerned with employees' lives both on and off the job. It also suggests that a focus on money and job satisfaction as the levers for retention may be too limited. Many nonfinancial and nonattitudinal factors place people in networks of forces that keep them in their jobs. Further pursuit of these ideas will, we hope, increase understanding of why people stay, why they leave, and how those actions can be influenced.
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