https://poeticgenre.files.wordpress.com/2015/07/elegy-oral-genres-and-performances-of-lament.pdf
V3(710)最难的那篇因为看不懂而且单词巨多不认识，不能让我的偏见误导大家，所以只说我确定看懂的部分，期待有人能考古出来吧。就是一个科学家调查了一个民族W, 研究表明：他们的民族中有一种lament（挽歌）是composed and sung by women，这些女人因此有了权力，因为这种lament是很严肃的东西（花了一段解释），其中举了一个例子，说这些女人可以把自己死去的孩子 discourse成神马行为高尚之类的，实际上在部落里的authority看来这个孩子活着时说的都是idiot talk(这里有考点）。后面一段大片看不懂所以完全没记住。
A third type of women'sdiscourse, songs composedand sung following the death of a close relative, is called sana or ona. The word sana can be glossed as "poverty,""distress," or "sadness," and the label for the genrepoints to the misfortune that has befallen the deceased; ona(-) is a noun-verbthat refers either to the act of crying or, in its nominative form, to alament. Sana are complex both poetically and in terms of the range ofcommunicative functions they perform, and these powerful expressive forms areused by women alone.5 They occupy a much more important role in Warao discoursethan either songs of protest or publicly spoken complaints because of theircollective nature, involving the cooperation of a number of women, and theirmuch greater impact on social life. The centrality of their role is augmentedby the high rate of mortality. The most reliable demographic figures come from the Winikina area ofthe central delta: Wilbert (1980:25) has calculated the prepubescent mortality for this group at 49 percent
P3: 开始说W的妇女们怎么利用lament来赢得power了。首先说，她们通过conversationthrough/or in public forum 交流意见，然后通过lament发表出来。而且，有时候，她们还会通过lament来发表她们个人的观点。这里开始举例，就是寂静里那个例子。说有个女人 的儿子deceased(死了，注意，用的不是died),然后这个女人在lament上positivelyreflect the influence of her son's behavior while commenting discussion of alead(or figure?...反正是个头)not as authentic for the son's behavior, but as idle talk. 这一句我比较有印象，因为寂静有提到，而且是个出题点。但我个人的理解和寂静里有所不同。如果我们仔细分析这句话(发挥tx们sc的功底吧)，while后面的逻辑结构应该是commentthe discussion of xxx for son's behavior not as authentic, but as idle talk. 所以idletalk指的不是该女人的儿子的behavior,而是这个高官对该女人儿子的discussion。通过女人的态度，可以推断出这个高官对这个儿子生前behavior的评价是负面的(这是一道考题)。最后，这些女人还会通过一些ironic,mimic之类的方式来讽刺她们不支持的politics.
Other dimensions of these strategies draw on metacommunicative shifts. Sana make extensive use of metapragmatic (cf. Silverstein 1976) characterizations of the type of discourse that is being reported. In line 20, Josefina Fernandez characterizes the shamans' discussion of Manuel's sexuality not as the authoritative discourse of powerful males but as "gossip." She returns to this theme later in the sana by noting that her assessment of the discussion at the time led her to advise Manuel not to take seriously what turned out to be quite serious warnings- "Those shamans aren't going to kill you, they're just spreading gossip." Metapragmatic transformations of the status of reported speech extend beyond the nature of the speech acts to include characterizations of speakers, audiences, and the nature of their collaboration.
Warao consider parody and irony to be among the most effective verbal strategies. Wailers produce deeply transgressive effects on the speech they report by shifting to a profoundly different key. Often, for instance, they will use a lewd and disparaging epithet in the frame that encloses a quotation: a high-ranking man may accordingly be referred to as "Bowlegged" or "Huge Testicles." The use of such epithets can shift the reception of an utterance from fear and compliance to ridicule and laughter. Josefina Fernandez exposes male sexual ideologies by presenting men's statements about Manuel's purported sexual activities in a highly lewd and exaggerated fashion. Manuel himself is criticized for being willing to risk not only his own death but general social disruption in pursuing his obsession with sex. Taking a lead from French literary criticism, we can recognize the power of this strategy. Wailers zero in on discourses that quintessentially embody male ideologies of sexuality, gender, domination, and supernatural violence. By transforming the formal and functional patterning of such speech, women expose the techniques by which dominant discourses are legitimated.
P2: 这一段描述在mourn(悼念)期间，那些survivor们(就是活着的人啦)他们都不怎么从事平常事儿啦，好像还提到不吃不喝?(这个我不确信，大意就是把mourn看得很重要)，还腾出space给mourn啦，balabala。反正这一段基本上没有什么太多信息量。略读就好。
As Bourdieu (1977, 1982) has argued, exercising power through discourse involves not onlyappropriating the right to speak in particular ways but, just as crucially,acquiring the power to command an audience. Warao women seize the latter opportunityduring the ritual inversion of ordinary discoursepatterns that characterizes mourning. Death moves the survivors to the margins of life, and normal activities are suspended.Food is neither procured noreaten, and the hisabanoko in which most of the wailing takes place becomesa spatial representation of this inversion,as the cooking fire is extinguished and the area becomes a funeral parlor. Women, who seldom play an active role in publicdiscourse events, are accorded a public voice, and men are silenced.
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发表于 2018-5-28 15:12:12
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