| Passage 25 
      In 1977 the prestigious Ewha Women’s University in  
 Seoul, Korea, announced the opening of the first  
 women’s studies program in Asia. Few academic  
 programs have ever received such public attention. In  
 (5) broadcast debates, critics dismissed the program as a  
 betrayal of national identity, an imitation of Western 
 ideas, and a distraction from the real task of national  
 unification and economic development. Even supporters  
 underestimated the program ; they thought it would be  
 (10) merely another of the many Western ideas that had  
 already proved useful in Asian culture, akin to airlines, 
 electricity, and the assembly line. The founders of the  
 program, however, realized that neither view was  
 correct. They had some reservations about the appli- 
 (15) cability of Western feminist theories to the role of  
 women in Asia and felt that such theories should be  
 closely examined. Their approach has thus far yielded  
 important critiques of Western theory, informed by the  
 special experience of Asian women. 
 (20)   For instance, like the Western feminist critique of the  
 Freudian model of the human psyche, the Korean critique finds Freudian theory culture-bound, but in  
 ways different from those cited by Western theorists. 
 The Korean theorists claim that Freudian theory  
 (25) assumes the universality of the Western nuclear, male- 
 headed family and focuses on the personality formation  
 of the individual, independent of society, An analysis  
 based on such assumptions could be valid for a highly  
 competitive, individualistic society. In the Freudian  
 (30) family drama, family members are assumed to be  
 engaged in a Darwinian struggle against each other— 
 father against son and sibling against sibling. Such a  
 concept of projects the competitive model of Western 
 society onto human personalities. But in the Asian  
 (35) concept of personality there is no ideal attached to indi 
 vidualism or to the independent self. The Western model  
 of personality development does not explain major char- 
 acteristics of the Korean personality, which is social and  
 group-centered. The “self” is a social being defined by  
 (40) and acting in a group, and the well-being of both men  
 and women is determined by the equilibrium of the  
  group, not by individual self-assertion. The ideal is one  
  of interdependency. 
     In such a context, what is recognized as “depen- 
 (45) dency” in Western psychiatric terms is not, in Korean  
 terms, an admission of weakness or failure. All this bears  
 directly on the Asian perception of men’s and women’s  
 psychology because men are also “ dependent”, In  
 Korean culture, men cry and otherwise easily show their  
 (50) emotions, something that might be considered a betrayal  
 of masculinity in Western culture. In the kinship-based  
 society of Korea, four generations may live in the same  
 house, which means that people can be sons and daugh- 
 ters all their lives, whereas in Western culture, the roles  
 of husband and son, wife and daughter, are often incom- 
 patible. 
   
   
 4. It can be inferred from the passage that the broadcast  
   media in Korea considered the establishment of the  
   Ewha women’s studies program 
   (A) praiseworthy  
   (B) insignificant  
   (C) newsworthy  
   (D) imitative 
   (E) incomprehensible  
 就是这道态度题了,答案是c,我觉得是E。 |