Whenever a major political scandal erupts before an election and voters blame the scandal on all parties about equally, virtually all incumbents, from whatever party, seeking reelection are returned to office. However, when voters blame such a scandal on only one party, incumbents from that party are likely to be defeated by challengers from other parties. The proportion of incumbents who seek reelection is high and remarkably constant from election to election.
If the voters' reactions are guided by a principle, which one of the following principles would best account for the contrast in reactions described above?
Whenever a major political scandal erupts before an election and voters blame the scandal on all parties about equally, virtually all incumbents, from whatever party, seeking reelectionsare returned to office. However, when voters blame such a scandal on only one party, incumbents from that party are likely to be defeated by challengers from other parties. The proportion of incumbents who seek reelection is high and remarkably constant from election to election.
If the voters' reaction are guided by a principle, which one of the following principles would best account for the contrast in reactions described above?
(D) Major political scandals can practically always be blamed on incumbents, but whether those incumbents should be voted our of office depends on who their challengers are. (E) When major political scandals are less the responsibility of individual incumbents than of the parties to which they belong, whatever party was responsible must be penalized when possible.
besides, i don't quite understand the function or implication of the last sentence in the stimulus. How does it help me find the right answer?
To paraphrase the stem, when voters blame a scandal equally on all parties, almost all incumbents win reelection. But when a scandal is blamed on a single party, incumbents from that party tend to lose. The assumption here is "it is not the incumbents who should be held responsible for the scandal."
(A): This deals with what should happen to individual incumbents who are responsible for scandals, but the stimulus just describes how voters treat parties or incumbents as members of their parties. (B): This makes a judgment about the likely accuracy of the judgments of blame, but nothing of the kind is mentioned in the passage. (C): This makes the mistake of concentrating on individuals, instead of parties. Moreover, (C) runs contrary to the passage. According to (C), in cases where all parties are blamed for a scandal, all incumbents should be turned out. (D): The passage doesn't imply that voters evaluate the challengers. On the contrary, voters are depicted as making choices depending on how they believe about the incumbents' parties. (E) is correct. According to (E) and the assumption noted at start of it, if Party X is responsible for a scandal, voters should try to punish Party X by voting out its incumbents; however, if all the parties are responsible, there's not much voters can do - whomever they vote for would be a member of one of the offending parties, so they might as well vote for the incumbents. Thus (E) accounts for the contrast in voter reactions.
全部选项如下: (A) Whenever one incumbent is responsible for one major political scandal and another incumbent is responsible for another, the consequences for the two incumbents should be the same. (B) When a major political scandal is blamed on incumbents from all parties, that judgment is more accurate than any judgment that incumbents from only on party are to blame. (C) Incumbents who are rightly blamed for a major political scandal should not seek reelection, but if they do, they should not be returned to office. (D) Major political scandals can practically always be blamed on incumbents, but whether those incumbents should be voted out of office depends on who their challengers are. (E) When major political scandals are less the responsibility of individual incumbents than of the parties to which they belong, whatever party was responsible must be penalized when possible.
这题还有几个选项是啥啊?如果就这两个选项的话那肯定是选E。这题意思是,如果大选前出现丑闻,而选民认为这个丑闻是所有政党都有责任的话,那不管哪个政党在职的官员都往往能连任。而如果这个丑闻只是一个政党有责任,那这个涉及丑闻的政党的在职官员就往往会被其他政党的挑战者击败。然后是说每界选举里,在职官员里寻求连任的比例都很高而且很稳定。这最后一句话的话我觉得那意思是说,在职官员下马大多不是因为出于自身的不想连任的原因而下马,往往都是是因为遭受了选民的惩罚被选下马的。 这个D我觉得是肯定不对的。这个 Major political scandals can practically always be blamed on incumbents就无从谈起。 E的话应该对的上,就是说如果政治丑闻不主要是在职官员个人问题,而主要是整个政党的问题的话,那任何一个对丑闻负有责任的政党在可能的情况下都要在竞选中受到惩罚。题目里说的第一种情况,各个政党都负有责任,那样的话选民无法对所有政党都进行惩罚,所以在职的还是连任。而第二种情况,只是一个政党涉及丑闻,那就是这个政党的在职官员受到选民惩罚,竞选落马。所以这个E说的principle,是两种情况都能符合的一个principle。