11.1下午场放狗

Adeline_

刚考完，还是没有达到理想的分数，打算暂时告别gmat啦祝大家好运吧！
阅读（我v比较低，供参考）：1.密西西比白人歧视黑人，jim crow那篇
2.非洲白蚁那篇，9.17库里面都有
3.研究女性历史还是斗争，第一部分学者研究什么什么，然后第二段有个学者跟他们范围不一样，好像不是on the public sphere（这个是原文出现的词）


数学（q50）：有一个building lot的题昨天看其他构筑有提到过，很抱歉那题我也没看懂瞎猜的。
还有一个我也没看太懂的题目是有十张卡片，每张卡片是1-10之间的一个不同的数字，然后问你从里面抽五张卡片，找什么great amount of ....mean（平均值）exceed median？选项是1，2，3，4，5。
还有一道记得的是正方形里面两个相同的圆和正方形的边正切，这两个圆也是互相正切的，告诉你半径，然后问对角线是多少，这道题我确定选2根号2+4
还有一道是（根号2-1）的负一次方，答案我确定是根号2+1
作文：说老员工带新员工培训浪费两个人的时间，现在有一种网上培训，新员工可以自己培训自己，节约时间提高效率，然后安装这个电脑系统的钱可以和节约下来的培训时间创造的收益相抵消（还有多的），所以安装这个电脑程序可以减少成本，增加收益。


其他实在想不起来了，大家加油。

cornfieldchase

感谢分享！               

萝北北

bzy! 发表于 2019-11-1 19:26
是原文吗？

很不幸的俺也碰到了巨inhuman的Jim Crow..确实。。看不懂，看到了一些意群却连不起来。。不误 ...

想问问层主和楼主...这篇实在太难了看考古还是看不懂在说啥！
我考古找到了一些相关的资料不是原文之类的，老实说我看了半天还是没太理清楚这几个人谁支持谁观点。。。，所以Jim laws 是想严格白人黑人划分，在1945年开始被抵制之后废除了。Neil Mc这个人是不支持Jim laws，CVWoodward是支持Mc这个人的观点吗。还有一个人又是who

考古里这个答案是对的吗： 2. 作者为什么提到 C? 功能题。说明C出现的作用
                       
有一题：问作者提到C.V in order to……我选的答案是为了说明和M相反的一个观点。记得原文里有：M does not 同意某观点，而这个观点是C.V提出的。这题答案应该确定。
还有3、4大概是什么呢
3.以下内容哪个是Neil那本书的核心思想。
4．态度题目，Neil 对Jim crow的oppression评价

底下是一些搬运的参考
https://forum.chasedream.com/for ... A%8ECV%EF%BC%8CNeil,关于CV,Neil McMillen和Jim Crow资料整理https://forum.chasedream.com/for ... ht=Jim%2BCrow%2BLaw  [size=1.17em]分享：我對Jim Crow Law OG的背景整理

截取了一部分
这里面有CVWoodward
C. Vann Woodward对 Neil R.McMillen的书：《Dark Journey：Black Mississippians in the Age of Jim Crow》的评价
"Remarkable for its relentless truth-telling, and the depth and thoroughness of its investigation, for the freshness of its sources, and for the shock power of its findings. Even a reader who is not unfamiliar with the sources and literature of the subject can be jolted by its impact."

C. Vann Woodward 出过的书《The Strange Career of Jim Crow》
He argued that the Jim Crow laws of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries not only codified traditional practice but also were a determined effort to erase the considerable progress made by Black people during and after Reconstruction in the 1870's. This revisionist view of Jim Crow legislation grew in Part from the research that Woodward had done for the NAACP （）legal campaign during its preparation for Brown v. Board of Education. The Supreme Court had issued its ruling in this epochal desegregation case a few months before Woodward's lectures.

The book offers a clear and illuminating analysis of the history of Jim Crow laws, presenting evidence that segregation in the South dated only to the 1890s. Woodward convincingly shows that, even under slavery, the two races had not been divided as they were under the Jim Crow laws of the 1890s. In fact, during Reconstruction, there was considerable economic and political mixing of the races. The segregating of the races was a relative newcomer to the region.

吉姆·克劳法 (Jim Crow laws) 泛指1876年至1965年间美国南部各州以及边境各州对有色人种（主要针对非洲裔美国人，但同时也包含其他族群）实行种族隔离制度的法律。这些法律上的种族隔离强制公共设施必须依照种族的不同而隔离使用，且在隔离但平等的原则下，种族隔离被解释为不违反宪法保障的同等保护权，因此得以持续存在。但事实上黑人所能享有的部份与白人相较往往是较差的，而这样的差别待遇也造成了黑人长久以来处于经济、教育及社会上较为弱势的地位。
1865年至1876年的重建时期，联邦法律为南方的自由黑人提供一定程度的民权保护。重建时期结束后，南方各州政府、立法机构及法院重新被南方白人所掌控，一系列吉姆·克劳法被通过来隔离种族。
1945年后，美国民权运动兴起，民权团体用联邦法律来抵抗吉姆·克劳法。例如著名的“布朗诉托皮卡教育局案”于1954年由美国最高法院作成判决，终止了公立学校中的种族隔离；美国国会随后在1964年通过《1964年民权法案》及《1965年投票权法案》，禁止法律上有任何形式的种族隔离和歧视政策，吉姆·克劳法在法律层面上正式走入历史。


他(C. Vann Woodword)认为Jim Crow Law不仅将traditional
practice (racial segregation)编进法律，合理化歧视；还是一股抹杀黑人在美国重建期间(Reconstruction,
1865-1877)对平等所努力的成果的恶势力。

G马特

bzy! 发表于 35分钟前
应该不是这篇吧 （密西西比白人歧视黑人）

billyisfragile!

G马特 发表于 2019-11-2 03:44
In the two decades between 1910 and 1930, more than ten percent of the black population of the U ...

应该不是这篇吧 （密西西比白人歧视黑人）

G马特

G马特 发表于 2019-11-2 03:36
黑人移民这道题我好像在哪做到过练习，我好好想想先。

  In the two decades between 1910 and 1930, more than ten percent of the black population of the United States left the South, where the preponderance of the black population had been located, and migrated to northern states, with the largest number moving, it is claimed, between 1916 and 1918. It has been frequently assumed, but not proved, that the majority of the migrants in what has come to be called the Great Migration came from rural areas and were motivated by two concurrent factors: the collapse of the cotton industry following the boll weevil infestation, which began in 1898, and increased demand in the North for labor following the cessation of European immigration caused by the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. This assumption has led to the conclusion that the migrants’ subsequent lack of economic mobility in the North is tied to rural background, a background that implies unfamiliarity with urban living and a lack of industrial skills.
    But the question of who actually left the South has never been rigorously investigated. Although numerous investigations document an exodus from rural southern areas to southern cities prior to the Great Migration, no one has considered whether the same migrants then moved on to northern cities. In 1910 more than 600,000 black workers, or ten percent of the black workforce, reported themselves to be engaged in “manufacturing and mechanical pursuits,” the federal census category roughly encompassing the entire industrial sector. The Great Migration could easily have been made up entirely of this group and their families. It is perhaps surprising to argue that an employed population could be enticed to move, but an explanation lies in the labor conditions then prevalent in the South.
    About thirty-five percent of the urban black population in the South was engaged in skilled trades. Some were from the old artisan class of slavery—blacksmiths, masons, carpenters—which had had a monopoly of certain trades, but they were gradually being pushed out by competition, mechanization, and obsolescence. The remaining sixty-five percent, more recently urbanized, worked in newly developed industries—tobacco, lumber, coal and iron manufacture, and railroads. Wages in the South, however, were low, and black workers were aware, through labor recruiters and the black press, that they could earn more even as unskilled workers in the North than they could as artisans in the South. After the boll weevil infestation, urban black workers faced competition from the continuing influx of both black and white rural workers, who were driven to undercut the wages formerly paid for industrial jobs. Thus, a move north would be seen as advantageous to a group that was already urbanized and steadily employed, and the easy conclusion tying their subsequent economic problems in the North to their rural background comes into question.
不知道是不是这篇og

G马特

bzy! 发表于 8小时前

黑人移民这道题我好像在哪做到过练习，我好好想想先。

marschen1992

Adeline_ 发表于 2019-11-1 18:24
我刚刚又想起来一道数学DS，图是这样的。大半圆圆心是B，小半圆圆心是A，问阴影部分面积。
条件一：R=15
条 ...

楼主请教这题你选什么？

Adeline_

bzy! 发表于 2019-11-1 19:26
是原文吗？

很不幸的俺也碰到了巨inhuman的Jim Crow..确实。。看不懂，看到了一些意群却连不起来。。不误 ...

前面一部分基本上是一样的很接近！！但是第二段后面好像有改动，我遇到的那篇后面有提到数量和年份，然后好像是说从南方移民的黑人大部分是农业工人，然后移民到北方都是工业城市（这里有一个细节题好像是问这些移民黑人的一个特点）！！但是我遇到的高亮题目不是红色部分。具体题目忘了，这篇题目很难即使我看到了jj知道了文章意思题目做起来也有些犹豫……

billyisfragile!

是原文吗？

很不幸的俺也碰到了巨inhuman的Jim Crow..确实。。看不懂，看到了一些意群却连不起来。。不误导大家了，刚才网上查了半天也没收获。。。唯独对其中一题记的清楚，也是好几位提到的那题，在第一段中间，句式记得比较清楚， Unlike（like）某H，NeilR. McMillen 认为（不认为）that，according to C. VannWoodward，preceded。。。中间这几个关系有点绕记不清了，但是句式就是以Neil R. McMillen为核心，前面说了像还是不像另外一个人的观点，中间一个插入语说了Neil R. McMillen赞成还是不赞成的那个观点是C.Vann Woodward提出来的，问题就是问这三个人观点间的关系，我选的选项记得是Neil R. McMillen和xx的不同。。总之大家可以关注下这题的，这题感觉还是能解的。

Identifying white supremacy as themost salient and pervasive force in Mississippi'shistory between Reconstruction and the New Deal, McMillen engages tworelated interpretive debates on the nature and evolution of race relations inthe South. First, he argues, the social relations of slavery gave way to an"informal code of exclusion and discrimination" (p. 5), which in turn evolved into legally mandated separation and disfranchisement. Like  Howard Rabinowitz, McMillensees little of the flickering light discernedby  C. Vann Woodward, no period offluidity precedingthe codification of Jim Crow.' Indeed the very"confidence of the dominant race" (p. 9) in the universal recognitionof the imperatives of place made legislation unnecessary for twodecades. Ironically, it was the perception of a threat to rigidity that  provoked the construction of a legal edifice to enforce an already familiar definition ofplace. Spatial contact was relatively insignificant; what mattered washierarchy. Second, race relations were not functions of class relations;if  white supremacy was an ideology, itwas not merely an ideology. It was not placed in the service of class hegemony,but rather seems to have been an  ideal,even to the extent that one can speak of "white interests."McMillen's  Mississippi has been shapedlargely by continuity in the content and function  of white supremacy, an ideology closely tiedto the equally stable plantation  system,but with a logic and legitimacy of its own. What changes are the  strategies adopted by black Mississippians in"their struggles to achieve autonomy and full citizenship" (p. xiii).

第二段：有一派政治家，叫做reconstruction politicians，他们曾经尝试制止这种种族歧视的不断发展，但是并未成功。由于Mississipi的黑人不想一直面对这种尖锐的种族歧视，他们开始迁移到美国的北方城市以及一些南部城市，这也就是后来所称的Great Migration。这种大规模的迁移造成了南方劳动力的短缺，在一定程度上起到了抑制种族歧视的效果。

If the continuity ofwhite supremacy provides the context of the dark journey through the age of Jim Crow, the shiftingresponses to oppressiondefine the stages of that journey. For two decades after"Redemption," leadership continued to rest in the hands of Reconstruction politicians,many of whom had held office. Concerned less about segregation than inequality,they directly―and unsuccessfully―challenged the emerginglegal structure andthe  increasingly rigid definitions ofplace. Their successors accepted Jim Crow and subordination as inevitable, but not as either natural or legitimate.The  alternative to accommodation, in theeyes of Isaiah Montgomery and Mississippi's disciples of Booker T. Washington,was "unrestrainedracial conflict  they would surelylose" (p. 288). The final stage of the journey, initiated by the Great Migration duringWorld War I and symbolized by the "New Negro"  was characterized by pragmatic opportunism.Still disinclined toward militant protest,Mississippi's black leadership seized upon the Great Migration as a political lever, whose forcedrew upon the South's dependence on black  labor. Thedistinctions between stages one and two seem blurred by overlapping leadership and a continuedconservative bent. More emblematic of a third stage, I suspect, are the Great Migration itself―the refusal ofthousands  of black Mississippians toaccept the places available in the Jim Crow South―and the"surprising number" who joined Mississippi chapters of the UniversalNegro Improvement Association.