- UID
- 556842
- 在线时间
- 小时
- 注册时间
- 2010-8-16
- 最后登录
- 1970-1-1
- 主题
- 帖子
- 性别
- 保密
|
每日阅读汇总贴http://forum.chasedream.com/GMAT_RC/thread-562296-1-1.html 逻辑姊妹篇:http://forum.chasedream.com/GMAT_CR/thread-580862-1-1.html
我也没想到怎么开头就被我弄成那个颜色了= = 囧啊~ 速度4-10
计时1 FAITH LAPIDUS: And I'm Faith Lapidus. This week on our program, we hear about some teenagers in Washington who brought art to life during their summer break. And we learn about a young American who is walking to raise attention and money for clean water in Africa. STEVE EMBER: America's capital city has a summer employment program for young people that includes jobs at the National Portrait Gallery. Teens get paid to dress like famous people and perform for museum visitors. FAITH LAPIDUS: Taylor Marsh is about to begin her performance. TAYLOR MARSH: "A dollar fifty cents, small change, but it was all I had when I decided to start my very own school. Yeah, I know, you may see me and think, what's a colored female like me know about school? You see, I was born just after the Reconstruction period." Taylor is dressed in a blue velvet suit and carrying a cane. She is playing Mary McLeod Bethune. Bethune was an American educator and civil rights leader who was born in eighteen seventy-five. That was just ten years after President Abraham Lincoln ended slavery. STEVE EMBER: Ten students took part this summer in the " ortraits Alive!" program at the National Portrait Gallery. Like most of the students, Taylor Marsh came to the program because she is interested in theater. TAYLOR MARSH: "I had no idea what this program was going to be about." Taylor was told that they would be giving tours of the museum. But the tours given by the young people require acting skills. Geri Provost Lyons leads the program. GERI PROVOST LYONS:"I look for students who are interested in the performing arts. They choose a portrait and they do research on the people that are in these portraits, and then they perform in costume a monologue which they have written." (字数305) 计时2 Students spend their first four weeks preparing. Then they practice in front of each other before they perform for museum visitors. FAITH LAPIDUS: Taylor Marsh was one of the few students who did not choose an entertainer or a movie star. TAYLOR MARSH:"Writing the monologue was the hardest part." Mary McLeod Bethune founded a school for black girls in nineteen hundred and four. In nineteen thirty-two she organized the National Council of Negro Women. And in nineteen thirty-six, she became an adviser to President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. TAYLOR MARSH: "It wasn't really the occupation I thought of, it was more the person in general. She was a strong woman, she had a lot of things going for her, and I wanted someone who was headstrong." STEVE EMBER: Another student, Sydney Hall, chose film actress Katharine Hepburn, who died in two thousand three. SYDNEY HALL: "I didn't know anything about Katharine Hepburn. I was just passing her portrait and I thought she looked very angelic in it, and she looked very cool." Sydney -- who was born in Washington, DC, or the District of Columbia -- says the program has had an effect on her. SYDNEY HALL: "I don't spend a lot of time in museums. DC born and raised, and I've been to all the museums, but now I'm actually taking the time to learn." FAITH LAPIDUS: Rashawn Alexander says she, too, now takes time to read about the artwork in the galleries. Geri Provost Lyons says this is true of a lot of the students in the program. GERI PROVOST LYONS: "They will take time to go to different museums and learn more and want to see more." (字数279) 计时3 Rashawn played Selena, the Texas-born Latin singer who was murdered in nineteen ninety-five at the age of twenty-three. Rashawn says she was impressed by how Selena gave back to the community, offering a free concert to students who improved their grades. RASHAWN ALEXANDER: "I picked her because me and her have a lot in common. We both want to see kids do well in our community." STEVE EMBER: In rural areas of Africa, millions of women and girls walk for hours every day to get water. Now, a twenty-two year old social activist in the United States is walking to raise money and awareness about the need for clean water. AMY RUSSELL: "Right now I'm on my way to Bethany, Connecticut, in the midst of a one hundred forty mile walk across the state. It started in Granby and will end in Greenwich. Next month, I'm going to California." One hundred forty miles is two hundred twenty-five kilometers. FAITH LAPIDUS: In California her plan is to walk eight hundred kilometers. Ms. Russell is getting in shape for an even longer walk -- twelve thousand kilometers across Africa. She expects that to take two years. AMY RUSSELL: "We'll be going through seven different countries: South Africa, Mozambique, Tanzania, Kenya, Ethiopia, Sudan and Egypt." Amy Russell founded the nonprofit organization Walk4Water three years ago while she was still in college. AMY RUSSELL: "If I ever wanted to tackle any of these big social causes of our day, [I realized] that I'd have to start at the root of everything. And the root of everything looks like it was poverty. Then, when I studied poverty a little more, I realized that clean water is just at the base and the root of all that. You can't really have the rest of the development process of sanitation, education, all those types of things without having the basic necessity of clean water." (字数317) 计时4 STEVE EMBER: That led to the idea of walking across Africa. Ms. Russell plans to start in January. She will be joined by volunteers from the United States and the African countries she will be walking through. She says the team hopes to walk for about eight hours a day and raise eight million dollars for wells, water treatment systems and other projects. They also plan other activities along the way. AMY RUSSELL: "Some of the places we're stopping at include orphanages, organizations that concentrate on sanitation, AIDS. We're also going to have a nurse with us. So, we're trying to set up some medical clinics as we go." STEVE WERNER: "I think Amy and other people like her are heroes because they not only have seen the problem, they are taking action." FAITH LAPIDUS: Steve Werner is a spokesman for the WASH Advocacy Initiative. That is another group working to expand access to safe drinking water and sanitation. STEVE WERNER: "The more people who know that this is a problem, they will demand that this become a more important issue in our foreign priorities, for companies when they are making decisions about their international philanthropy. Other significant donors will learn more about the issue when they read stories about what Amy is doing." Elisa Van Dyke knows all about walks to raise money for water projects. She has helped organize them for the past five years for Healing Hands International in Nashville, Tennessee. Those walks, and others around the United States, raise money to support the group's clean-water projects. ELISA VAN DYKE: "We have drilled close to five hundred clean water wells throughout Africa and a few in Central America. So when we are able to put a well in a community that's just right outside their homes or right there in the middle of their village, girls don't have to spend a lot of their day collecting water. It can become a brief morning task or afternoon task and then they can go on to school." (字数338) 计时5 STEVE EMBER: Ms. Van Dyke says providing everyone with access to clean water is a goal that can be reached. The first step is raising awareness, she says, and this is why Amy Russell's upcoming walk across Africa is important. ELISA VAN DYKE: "I think what Amy is doing is huge because with the Internet, and with the communication that we have now, with her blogging, with things like Facebook and YouTube, we can show people firsthand what people experience in daily life. And so the more people that are exposed, the more people that are educated about the problem, then the more people will want to get involved." Steve Werner of the WASH Advocacy Initiative says he hopes the walk will get officials in developing countries to take more action. STEVE WERNER: "It is also a problem in the developing countries that their governments don't make water a higher priority. So as Amy is walking across Africa, I hope government leaders also realize that there is a big water problem in their countries and that their government should be making this a higher priority." FAITH LAPIDUS: Amy Russell plans to begin her walk in January in Cape Town, South Africa. People can follow her online at walking4water.org – that's walking, the number four, water, dot org. (字数216)
【越障4-10】 With a rebel yell THE noose tightened and tightened and on Saturday night it cinched fast. Through Sunday, August 21st and into early Monday morning, the world watched through scratchy video feeds as Libya’s rebels—now in the heart of Tripoli and with the run of the country—searched for the trap door through which to drop their sworn enemy, Muammar Qaddafi. At the same time, celebrations broke out in Green Square, at the centre of the capital. The scenes of jubilation recalled those from Cairo’s Tahrir Square, on February 11th. But the rebels who came pouring into Tripoli, and the beleaguered citizens who cheered them on, have won their day of victory by war. As in Cairo, flags are waved and God is praised, but tracer fire is also seen, criss-crossing the early-morning sky. Snipers from both sides hold rooftops around the city. In Benghazi, the origin of the February 17th uprising and the seat of the rebel government, residents were euphoric, parading through the streets in their cars and firing weapons into the sky late into the night. After six months of fighting and with five months of aerial support from NATO, the rebels had brought Colonel Qaddafi’s capital into what was effectively a state of siege. Under the command of the National Transitional Council (NTC), they had captured Zawiya, a strategically vital port to the west of Tripoli, not ten days earlier. To the south, they held Gharyan, on the road to Algeria and the route to the colonel’s main supply of arms. With Misrata to the east in the rebels’ hands, Colonel Qaddafi and his loyalists had no way to flee Tripoli but into the sea. When the final push came, it seemed to evince an admirable degree of orchestration. The NTC’s forces surged into Tripoli from three fronts, joining a general outpouring into the streets that began with several imams’ call for the evening prayer on Saturday. Rebel cells inside the city were co-ordinated to come out at their signal. In the fighting that followed, a government official said, 376 people on both sides died: an accurate number may take weeks to emerge, if ever it does. In the confusion of the final battles, still ongoing in some pockets of the city, the certainty provided by the physical capture of a pair of Qaddafi sons has come as a relief. Saif al-Islam Qaddafi was taken first, Saif of the LSE degree who had once seemed like a liberal, modernizing face of the Qaddafi regime, before declaring on television that the rebels were imminently to be turned into a “river of blood”. The International Criminal Court, which has an interest in prosecuting him, says that he is alive and in Libya. Then another son, Mohammed Qaddafi, was surrounded at home by armed rebels. He happened to be giving a radio interview at the time, in which he stressed his personal commitment to charity and aversion to violence. He was interrupted by gunfire (at 01.40) and then, it seems, taken into custody. For the time being, his last-heard words are “I’m being attacked right now. This is gunfire—inside my house. They're inside my house. There is no God but Allah.” It might have been more prudent for the rebel forces to have delayed their assault on Tripoli to allow the forces from the western mountains and those from Misrata time to work together on a plan of action and also to allow the blockade to impact on the remnants the pro-Qaddafi forces both psychologically and materially. On the other hand, momentum in any campaign is valuable and the rebels are right to make the most of it. NATO's assessment (in this week's Economist) was that Colonel Qaddafi had lost all operational capacity. The rebels may also have known much more than outsiders about the likelihood of an armed uprising within Tripoli activated by sleeper cells once their forces were on the outskirts of the city. If so, it was probably sensible to push on. The resistance of forces still loyal to Colonel Qaddafi may be quite stiff (and lethal) for a while. They still appear to have tanks in Tripoli and probably have little situational awareness. They may also believe that they are going to be killed no matter what so might as well go down fighting. NATO will be reluctant to strike at tanks within the city for fear of collateral damage. The last thing NATO wants now is to kill a lot of civilians or rebel fighters when the outcome is no longer in any doubt.
Where is the colonel? There are many questions at this hour but, as usual for the past 40 years, the self-appointed colonel dominates. There are rumors that Qaddafi père has already fled Tripoli for the south—or that he is in hospital—and there is also speculation that he has stuck to his fortified compound at the Bab al-Aziziya. Fighting continues around the compound. Whatever Colonel Qaddafi’s whereabouts, most are concerned with what will follow him. Members of the transitional council are sharply aware of the experience of Iraq, and are determined not to repeat its mistakes. Benghazi experienced a comparatively smooth transition to rebel control in February, thanks largely to the policy of the rebel interim government, the NTC, of keeping key technocrats in their posts. There is no ruling party akin to the Baath party in Iraq, and so less pressure to get rid of policemen, power-plant managers, and others who may have been linked with the fallen regime but who are also key to running a modern city. NTC officials have also warned rebel fighters against reprisal attacks and looting: "The world is watching us... Do not avenge yourselves, don't pillage, don't insult foreigners and respect the prisoners," senior council member Mahmoud Jibril declared on national television. But the NTC has limited legitimacy, particularly beyond the east. The council has vowed to relocate to the capital as quickly as possible, and members say that they can easily expand its ranks to ensure that Tripoli’s million inhabitants are represented. Even then, it is unclear how much authority they will wield over the disparate group of commanders who now control Tripoli's streets. Even in the east, the NTC has had difficulty exerting its control over the privately-organised brigades of “thewar”–volunteer militiamen–who have refused integration into a more formal military. Fighters in the west, who have born the brunt of the fighting since March, have griped about a lack of support from the better-supplied east, and may not inclined to submit to the NTC's authority. Even more challenging are isolated regime strongholds like Sirte, dominated by the Colonel Qaddafi's own Qadadfa tribe, or the oasis town of Sebha, where the Qadadfa preside over a coalition of other clans. Some fear that the colonel may slip away to a remote corner of the desert, relying on longstanding tribal pledges of protection. Nonetheless, it seems unlikely that the Libyan leader will be capable of organizing an Iraq-style armed insurgency nor is there any political traction for one. The NTC has promised elections within the next eight months to establish some kind of ruling authority as soon as possible. Critics of the council say that this is too soon for a country that has almost no experience of party politics. Still, though tribally diverse, Libya is fairly homogenously Sunni and conservative. Its Islamists seem satisfied with constitutional provisions calling for sharia to be the main source of legislation, a fairly common staple of Arab constitutions. However, cracks have emerged in the NTC's authority before, particularly after the assassination in July of General Abdelfattah Younis, allegedly by rogue militiamen. That threatened to lead to a showdown between the central rebel command and autonomous militias. That crisis was averted by the successful rebel offensives which followed a week later, and now has been all but forgotten in the euphoria of victory. But when that euphoria wears off, and with the immediate external threat posed by the colonel's forces removed, the rebel movement's so-far impressive display of unity may begin to falter. |
|