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1.CR
In the 1980s, the standard recommendation for telephone calls was to wait for eight rings before hanging up if no one answered. However, by the 2000s, the recommendation changed to waiting for only four rings. Which of the following best explains the reason for this change?
A. In the 1980s, each ring lasted longer, whereas in the 2000s, the duration of each ring was shorter.
B. The average length of a telephone call in the 2000s was twice as long as in the 1980s.
C. The interval between rings in the 2000s was longer than in the 1980s.
D. In the 2000s, many households had multiple telephones, increasing the chances of someone being close to a phone when it rang.
E. The distance between individuals and their telephones in homes decreased in the 2000s due to technological advancements.
A beverage company decides to increase the amount of fortified nutrients in its drinks. Previously, each bottle contained a single serving of nutrients, and it was found that consuming more than five servings per day could be harmful to health. However, it is uncommon for people to drink more than two bottles per day. The company plans to increase the nutrient content to two servings per bottle. Which of the following assumptions is necessary for the company's plan to be considered safe for consumers?
A. Consumers typically do not consume more than two bottles of the beverage per day.
B. The original measurement of the safe daily intake of these nutrients has not overestimated the actual tolerable limit for the human body.
C. Other sources of these nutrients in a typical diet are minimal and do not contribute significantly to the total daily intake.
D. The increased amount of nutrients in each bottle will not significantly alter the taste or appearance of the beverage.
E. The fortified nutrients used in the beverage do not interact with each other to increase the risk of toxicity.
答案:
DA
2.RC
The indelible imprint left by Austria's rich musical heritage on the tapestry of Western art music is epitomized by the prodigious output of luminaries such as Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, Joseph Haydn, and Franz Schubert during the Classical and early Romantic eras. This illustrious legacy is further reinforced by the nation's deep-rooted appreciation for the art form, as evidenced by its citizens' high per capita spending on music and the country's impressive music school enrollment rates, which serve as a testament to the enduring cultural significance of music within Austrian society.
A comprehensive 2019 survey conducted by the International Federation of the Phonographic Industry (IFPI) revealed that Austria boasted the second-highest per capita spending on music globally, with an average of €65 per person, trailing only behind Japan, which stood at €80 per capita. This figure is particularly remarkable when juxtaposed against the average per capita spending on music across the European Union, which amounted to a mere €25 in the same year. However, it is essential to consider these figures within the broader context of Austria's economic landscape. According to data from the Austrian Institute of Economic Research (WIFO), the nation's GDP per capita in 2019 was €44,780, ranking 11th among the 27 EU member states. This suggests that while Austrians allocate a significant portion of their disposable income to music-related expenditures, the high per capita spending on music may also be a reflection of the country's relatively high standard of living.
The strong emphasis on music education in Austria is reflected in the country's notably high per capita rate of music school enrollment. A 2020 report meticulously compiled by the European Music School Union (EMU) revealed that Austria had approximately 200,000 students enrolled in music schools, constituting an impressive 2.3% of the total population. In comparison, Germany, a nation with a population nearly ten times that of Austria, had around 1.4 million music school students, representing about 1.7% of its populace. This disparity serves to highlight the deeply ingrained importance of music education within the very fabric of Austrian culture and society. However, it is crucial to acknowledge the potential socio-economic factors that may contribute to these enrollment figures. According to a 2018 study by the Austrian Ministry of Education, Science, and Research, students from higher-income families were more likely to participate in extracurricular music education programs, suggesting that access to music education may be influenced by socio-economic status.
The vibrant and thriving contemporary music scene in Austria is showcased through the myriad of music festivals held throughout the year, drawing millions of enthusiastic visitors from all corners of the globe. The prestigious Salzburg Festival, a venerable institution established in 1920, presents a diverse and captivating array of opera, drama, and concert performances over a five-week period each summer. In 2019, the festival attracted an audience of approximately 270,000 discerning attendees, generating ticket revenues of €31.5 million. Similarly, the Vienna Festival, founded in 1951, offers an eclectic and mesmerizing mix of music, theater, and dance performances, captivating over 180,000 attendees in 2019 and contributing an estimated €90 million to the local economy. These figures underscore the significant economic impact of Austria's music festivals, which not only showcase the nation's cultural prowess but also serve as a vital source of revenue for the tourism and hospitality sectors.
Austria's steadfast commitment to fostering music education and appreciation is further evidenced by its substantial public expenditure on cultural activities. In 2018, the Austrian government allocated a staggering €1.2 billion to the arts and culture sector, equivalent to 0.32% of the country's GDP. This figure stands in stark contrast to the European Union average of 0.46% of GDP spent on cultural services, underlining Austria's unwavering dedication to preserving and promoting its rich musical heritage. However, it is important to examine the distribution of these funds across various cultural domains. According to a 2019 report by the Austrian Court of Audit, the majority of public cultural expenditure was allocated to the performing arts, with music and theater receiving the lion's share of funding. While this distribution reflects Austria's strong musical tradition, it also raises questions about the potential imbalance in support for other cultural sectors, such as visual arts and literature.
Despite the nation's remarkable achievements in the classical music domain, Austria's contemporary popular music industry faces a multitude of challenges posed by the inexorable forces of globalization and digitalization. According to data meticulously compiled by the Austrian Music Information Center, in 2020, domestic music accounted for a mere 25% of the Austrian music market share, while English-language songs dominated the airwaves, commanding an overwhelming 70% market share. This disparity serves to highlight the myriad difficulties faced by the Austrian music industry in maintaining relevance and appealing to domestic audiences amidst intense international competition. Moreover, the rise of digital streaming platforms has fundamentally altered the economics of the music industry, with artists and labels grappling with the challenges of monetizing their content in an increasingly digital landscape.
In an effort to address these multifaceted challenges, the Austrian government and key music industry stakeholders have implemented a wide range of initiatives designed to support and promote homegrown musical talent. These include the establishment of organizations such as the "Austrian Music Export Office," which aims to assist Austrian artists in expanding their reach to international markets, and the "Ignite Austria" program, which provides invaluable financial support and mentorship to emerging artists. Additionally, the "Music Moves Austria" campaign, launched to great fanfare in 2019, seeks to raise awareness about the diversity and quality of Austrian music both domestically and abroad, showcasing the nation's vibrant musical culture on the global stage. However, the efficacy of these initiatives in fostering a sustainable and thriving domestic music industry remains to be seen, as Austrian artists continue to face stiff competition from international acts.
The challenges confronting the Austrian music industry are further compounded by the precarious economic realities faced by many artists and music professionals. A 2021 report by the Austrian Music Fund revealed that only 12% of Austrian artists managed to generate a sustainable income from their music careers, with the vast majority relying on supplementary sources of income to make ends meet. This sobering statistic underscores the pressing need for further support and investment in the development and promotion of Austrian musical talent, both at home and abroad. Furthermore, the COVID-19 pandemic has had a devastating impact on the music industry, with live performances and touring revenue all but evaporating overnight. While the Austrian government has implemented a €50 million stimulus package to support the industry through the crisis, the long-term effects of the pandemic on the music ecosystem remain uncertain.
As Austria looks to the future, it is clear that the nation's music industry must continue to adapt and evolve in order to thrive in an increasingly complex and competitive global marketplace. This will require a sustained commitment to nurturing and promoting homegrown talent, as well as a willingness to embrace new technologies and business models that can help Austrian artists reach new audiences and generate sustainable revenue streams. By leveraging its rich musical heritage and investing in the development of its contemporary music scene, Austria has the potential to cement its position as a global leader in the arts and culture sector, inspiring and enriching the lives of music lovers around the world for generations to come. However, this will require a concerted effort from all stakeholders – government, industry, and artists alike – to address the structural challenges facing the music industry and ensure that Austria's musical legacy continues to thrive in the 21st century.
Questions:
1. Based on the information provided in the passage, which of the following statements best describes the relationship between Austria's GDP per capita and its high per capita spending on music?
(A) Austria's high per capita spending on music is solely attributable to its high GDP per capita.
(B) Austria's high per capita spending on music is independent of its GDP per capita.
(C) Austria's high per capita spending on music may be partially influenced by its relatively high standard of living, as reflected in its GDP per capita.
(D) There is insufficient information to determine the relationship between Austria's GDP per capita and its high per capita spending on music.
2. According to the 2018 study by the Austrian Ministry of Education, Science, and Research, which of the following factors was found to influence students' participation in extracurricular music education programs?
(A) Gender
(B) Age
(C) Geographic location
(D) Socio-economic status
3. The passage suggests that the economic impact of Austria's music festivals extends beyond the direct revenue generated from ticket sales. Which of the following sectors is specifically mentioned as benefiting from the economic impact of these festivals?
(A) Agriculture
(B) Manufacturing
(C) Tourism and hospitality
(D) Information technology
4. Based on the information provided in the passage, which of the following cultural domains receives the largest share of Austria's public cultural expenditure?
(A) Visual arts
(B) Literature
(C) Performing arts, including music and theater
(D) Film and television
5. The passage highlights the challenges faced by the Austrian music industry in the context of globalization and digitalization. According to the data from the Austrian Music Information Center, what percentage of the Austrian music market share is accounted for by English-language songs?
(A) 25%
(B) 50%
(C) 70%
(D) 75%
6. The "Austrian Music Export Office" and the "Ignite Austria" program are examples of initiatives aimed at addressing the challenges faced by the Austrian music industry. Which of the following best describes the primary focus of these initiatives?
(A) Promoting Austrian music internationally
(B) Providing financial support and mentorship to established Austrian artists
(C) Encouraging the use of German language in Austrian music
(D) Lobbying for increased government regulation of the music industry
7. According to the 2021 report by the Austrian Music Fund, what percentage of Austrian artists are able to generate a sustainable income solely from their music careers?
(A) 8%
(B) 12%
(C) 16%
(D) 20%
8. The passage mentions a €50 million stimulus package implemented by the Austrian government to support the music industry during the COVID-19 pandemic. Which of the following challenges faced by the industry does this package aim to address?
(A) Loss of revenue from live performances and touring
(B) Decline in sales of physical music formats
(C) Increasing competition from international artists
(D) Lack of public interest in classical music
9. The author suggests that for Austria to maintain its position as a global leader in the arts and culture sector, it must:
(A) Focus exclusively on promoting its classical music heritage
(B) Invest in the development of its contemporary music scene while leveraging its musical heritage
(C) Prioritize the growth of other cultural sectors, such as visual arts and literature
(D) Reduce public expenditure on music education and reallocate funds to other industries
10. Which of the following statements best summarizes the main argument presented in the passage?
(A) Austria's music industry is thriving and faces no significant challenges in the current global landscape.
(B) Austria's music industry is primarily supported by the country's high GDP per capita and government funding.
(C) Austria's music industry must adapt to the challenges posed by globalization and digitalization while leveraging its rich musical heritage to remain competitive and sustainable.
(D) Austria's music industry should focus solely on promoting its classical music tradition to maintain its global cultural influence.
CDCCCABABC
3.RC
Recent debates in premodern women's history have centered on women's social and legal status, with the greatest contention focusing on the systems or conditions that most consistently determined their social position and the scope of their activity. While scholars such as Judith Bennett argue that patriarchy is the defining system, others like Bridget Hill maintain that economic factors are at least equally important. However, neither questions the assumption that women's status was somehow inherently inferior to that of men, with female inferiority perhaps most clearly expressed in the automatic guardianship of men over women.
In societies deemed patriarchal, there is a strong tendency to assume that constraints on women's activities exemplify guardianship or reflect an underlying tendency in that direction. However, it is crucial to avoid reflexively equating patriarchy with guardianship over women. This assumption may underlie two principal studies of the social history of medieval Flanders, both predicated on the existence of guardianship over women. David Nicholas, in The Domestic Life of a Medieval City: Women, Children and the Family in Fourteenth-Century Ghent, states that most women had legal personalities only through male guardians, with the guardian's consent implied even if he was not present to speak for her. He reiterates that single adult women were normally under the guardianship of their fathers or brothers, with tutelage reverting more generally to the kindred if males of the conjugal family were dead or incompetent.
However, Nicholas's work is seriously flawed. He documents only the sentence ending "through male guardians," with the rest of his statements lacking citation. His introduction provides an overview of the historiography on European women's history in general but is most notable for the absence of works by Flemish scholars on this subject. His neglect of the work of Philippe Godding, E. M. Meijers, and particularly Jean Gilissen, a leading legal historian in the field, is incomprehensible.
Furthermore, Nicholas's one note refers the reader not to legal texts but to W. van Iterson's Vrouwenvoogdij ("Guardianship over Women"). Despite its title, Iterson's work does not confirm Nicholas's claims, as it focuses on the northern, not the southern Low Countries, with a majority of the evidence cited coming from the fifteenth, not the fourteenth century. Iterson's stated focus is not all women, but only unmarried ones, and his conclusions are actually contrary to those of Nicholas, stating unequivocally that "there are no traces of a general fixed guardianship over an unmarried woman who has attained her majority."
The conditions Nicholas outlines echo those associated primarily with Roman law, but as Philippe Godding has demonstrated, Roman law had a negligible impact on Flemish social custom before the fifteenth century. No item or provision in any keure (customary law of a community) directly addressed the issue of guardianship over women, and only one implied a belief in womanly weakness that might, by extension, be taken to have necessitated guardianship. Since guardianship over women, married or not, finds no expression in law codes, it must instead be deduced from practice.
Godding, the author of Le droit prive dans les Pays-Bas meridionaux du 12e au 18e siecle, acknowledges this state of affairs but, like Nicholas, assumes that some sort of a system of guardianship over women was in place, cautioning that actual practice was far from uniform. However, at least upon one occasion, his evidence does not bear out his conclusion, claiming that women in Lille were prohibited from judging men based on chapter 43 of the Lillois custumal. If one consistently applies the logic of Godding's own argument, this means that just as women are incapable of judging men, men are incapable of judging women, hardly an indication of guardianship over women.
The thesis presented here, in contrast to the above, is that the lack of legal texts specifically addressing guardianship over women simply reflects the absence of any such systematic practice – that patriarchy, at least in medieval Flanders, did not necessarily imply guardianship over women. If guardianship over women was not uniform, then any particular instances of it were probably ad hoc in nature, as Iterson suggests, and not systematic. An examination of constraints on bodily integrity, possession and disposal of property, women's position within the family, employment, and public participation reveals that men did not act for women in any systematic fashion and that they did not have to act for them in public. The pairing of women with men in the documents was, with the exception of land held in feudal tenure, not an expression of the corporate body which men and women together constituted. The exception has to do with land held in feudal tenure, where women participating in transactions involving fiefs were always represented by some man, acting as either guardian or advocate. However, Flanders was hardly feudal, and it would be inappropriate to generalize the requirements pertinent to this one system of land tenure to cover all instances of female activity.
The focus of this study is explicitly on secular women, primarily though not exclusively on those living in the major Flemish towns: Bruges, Douai, Ghent, Lille, and Ypres. Religious women are left out of the picture, even though the degree to which they exercised particularly local authority contributes significantly to our understanding of Flemish women's historical experience as a whole, as they lived, for the most part, under quite distinct legal and social conditions. The exception, of course, was the beguines, who were neither fish (avowed) nor fowl (secular women). To include them would make this essay far too long; moreover, a large number of studies already focus on them.
In conclusion, the assumption that guardianship over women was a necessary component of patriarchy in medieval Flanders is not supported by the available evidence. The lack of legal texts addressing guardianship over women reflects the absence of a systematic practice, and instances of guardianship were likely ad hoc in nature. An examination of various aspects of women's lives reveals that men did not act for women in a systematic fashion, and the pairing of women with men in documents was, with the exception of land held in feudal tenure, an expression of the corporate body that men and women together constituted.
1. According to the article, which of the following most accurately describes the main flaw in Nicholas's work?
(A) He failed to provide sufficient evidence to support his claims about guardianship over women.
(B) He relied too heavily on 15th-century evidence to draw conclusions about the 14th century.
(C) He neglected the work of Flemish scholars such as Philippe Godding on this subject.
(D) He erroneously applied Roman law to Flemish social customs.
(E) He did not adequately consider the differences in legal status between unmarried and married women.
2. Based on the article, which of the following most accurately describes Godding's perspective?
(A) Roman law had a negligible impact on Flemish social custom before the 15th century.
(B) Guardianship over women finds no expression in law codes and must instead be deduced from practice.
(C) Actual practice of guardianship over women was far from uniform.
(D) Women are incapable of judging men, and men are incapable of judging women.
(E) All of the above options accurately describe Godding's perspective.
3. According to the article, which of the following most accurately describes the author's argument regarding guardianship over women in medieval Flanders?
(A) Guardianship over women was a necessary component of patriarchy.
(B) The lack of legal texts addressing guardianship over women reflects the absence of a systematic practice.
(C) Instances of guardianship over women were likely ad hoc in nature, not systematic.
(D) Men did not act for women in a systematic fashion and did not have to act for them in public.
(E) All of the above options accurately describe the author's argument.
4. Based on the article, which of the following most accurately describes women's position in transactions involving land held in feudal tenure?
(A) Women were always represented by a man, acting as either guardian or advocate, in transactions involving fiefs.
(B) Women could independently participate in transactions involving fiefs.
(C) Women's position in transactions involving fiefs was equal to that of men.
(D) Women were prohibited from participating in transactions involving fiefs.
(E) The article does not provide information about women's position in transactions involving fiefs.
5. The author's thesis, as presented in the article, is best summarized by which of the following statements?
(A) Patriarchy in medieval Flanders necessarily implied guardianship over women.
(B) The assumption that guardianship over women was a necessary component of patriarchy in medieval Flanders is not supported by the available evidence.
(C) Guardianship over women was a systematic practice in medieval Flanders, as evidenced by legal texts.
(D) Men acted for women in a systematic fashion in medieval Flanders, particularly in public settings.
(E) The pairing of women with men in documents was always an expression of the corporate body which men and women together constituted.
6. The article suggests that the pairing of women with men in documents was:
(A) Always an expression of the corporate body which men and women together constituted.
(B) Never an expression of the corporate body which men and women together constituted.
(C) An expression of the corporate body which men and women together constituted, except in the case of land held in feudal tenure.
(D) An expression of the corporate body which men and women together constituted, only in the case of land held in feudal tenure.
(E) Not discussed in the article.
7. The author's examination of constraints on bodily integrity, possession and disposal of property, women's position within the family, employment, and public participation reveals that:
(A) Men acted for women in a systematic fashion.
(B) Men had to act for women in public.
(C) Men did not act for women in any systematic fashion.
(D) Men did not have to act for women in public.
(E) Both (C) and (D).
8. The article's focus on secular women in major Flemish towns is justified by the author because:
(A) Religious women lived under quite distinct legal and social conditions.
(B) Including religious women would make the essay too long.
(C) A large number of studies already focus on religious women, particularly beguines.
(D) Religious women did not contribute significantly to the understanding of Flemish women's historical experience.
(E) Both (A) and (C).
AEEABCEE
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发表于 2024-4-22 09:14:18
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