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It is an odd but indisputable fact that the seventeenth-century English women
who are generally regarded as among the forerunners of modern feminism are
almost all identified with the Royalist side in the conflict between Royalists
and Parliamentarians known as the English Civil Wars. Since Royalist
ideology is often associated with the radical patriarchalism of seventeenthcentury
political theorist Robert Filmer—a patriarchalism that equates family
and kingdom and asserts the divinely ordained absolute power of the king
and, by analogy, of the male head of the household—historians have been
understandably puzzled by the fact that Royalist women wrote the earliest
extended criticisms of the absolute subordination of women in marriage and
the earliest systematic assertions of women’s rational and moral equality with
men. Some historians have questioned the facile equation of Royalist ideology
with Filmerian patriarchalism; and indeed, there may have been no consistent
differences between Royalists and Parliamentarians on issues of family
organization and women’s political rights, but in that case one would expect
early feminists to be equally divided between the two sides.
Catherine Gallagher argues that Royalism engendered feminism because the
ideology of absolute monarchy provided a transition to an ideology of the
absolute self. She cites the example of the notoriously eccentric author
Margaret Cavendish (1626–1673), duchess of Newcastle. Cavendish claimed to
be as ambitious as any woman could be, but knowing that as a woman she was
excluded from the pursuit of power in the real world, she resolved to be
mistress of her own world, the “immaterial world” that any person can create
within her own mind—and, as a writer, on paper. In proclaiming what she
called her “singularity,” Cavendish insisted that she was a self-sufficient being
within her mental empire, the center of her own subjective universe rather
than a satellite orbiting a dominant male planet. In justifying this absolute
singularity, Cavendish repeatedly invoked the model of the absolute monarch,
a figure that became a metaphor for the self-enclosed, autonomous nature of
the individual person. Cavendish’s successors among early feminists retained
her notion of woman’s sovereign self, but they also sought to break free from
the complete political and social isolation that her absolute singularity
entailed.
97. The passage suggests which of the following about the seventeenth-century
English women mentioned in line 2?
(A) Their status as forerunners of modern feminism is not entirely justified.
(B) They did not openly challenge the radical patriarchalism of Royalist
Filmerian ideology.
(C) Cavendish was the first among these women to criticize women’s
subordination in marriage and assert women’s equality with men.
(D) Their views on family organization and women’s political rights were
diametrically opposed to those of both Royalist and Parliamentarian
ideology.
(E) Historians would be less puzzled if more of them were identified with
the Parliamentarian side in the English Civil Wars.
OG对D E 的解释
D The passage does not indicate what the Parliamentarian view of family
organization and women’s political rights was, so there is no way to
determine whether the Royalist forerunners of modern feminism were
opposed to that view.
E Correct. The basic puzzle the passage sets out to solve is why the
forerunners of modern feminism would have been associated with the
Royalist side, which seems to have been based on radical patriarchalism.
Historians would most likely have been less surprised if these women had
been identified with the Parliamentarian side, which presumably did not
embrace radical patriarchalism.
这道题我觉得有问题啊，原文第一段最后一句说了如果两派都有差不多数量的女权主义者才是看起来比较合理的，答案却说更多的分在议会那边比较正常
而且啊，也是第一段最后一句，都说了 no consistent differences between R and P on issues of ... 既然女权主义者的观点和R的是冲突的，R和P又没有不同，当然女权主义者的观点也应该和P的冲突啊，也就是D呀，D为什么不对呢？
求助！谢谢
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发表于 2016-3-13 09:23:51
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