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之前大家对揽瓜阁精读的反馈很好,就想着自己的时间开始把一些精读的文章根据JJ出题目~ 然后focus上线,IR需求 大家也大。就想着 把揽瓜阁的阅读 逻辑 IR 都放在这贴里打卡
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Thailand's tropical rainforests are home to two main types of trees: deciduous trees and evergreen trees. Deciduous trees are prone to causing forest fires during dry seasons, while evergreen trees are widely distributed throughout Thailand, especially in regions with abundant rainfall. Evergreen trees are of significant economic importance to Thailand, as rubber trees, a type of evergreen, are one of the country's main economic crops.
Which of the following, if true, would most strengthen the argument above?
(A) Rubber is Thailand's most valuable export commodity.
(B) The distribution of evergreen trees in Thailand is primarily determined by the amount of rainfall.
(C) Deciduous trees and evergreen trees are found in roughly equal numbers in Thailand's forests.
(D) The frequency of forest fires in Thailand has increased in recent years due to climate change.
(E) The economic value of rubber trees has led to the expansion of evergreen tree plantations in Thailand.
In political campaigns, some candidates employ emotional appeals to win over voters. However, if the audience perceives these appeals as deliberate attempts to manipulate their emotions, they often react with resentment, feeling that they have been insulted and manipulated. As a result, some argue that candidates should avoid using emotional appeals in their campaigns.
Which of the following is an assumption underlying the argument above?
(A) Voters are more likely to support a candidate who uses logical arguments rather than emotional appeals.
(B) Emotional appeals are the most effective way for candidates to connect with voters on a personal level.
(C) Voters' resentment towards a candidate's emotional appeals stems from feeling manipulated.
(D) Candidates who use emotional appeals are more likely to win elections than those who do not.
(E) Voters are equally likely to feel manipulated by all types of campaign strategies, not just emotional appeals.
答案:
EC
2.RC
In particular, articular, the late-seventeenth-century introduction of a new style of dress called the manteau or mantua, and its increasing popularity, offered female seamstresses a "wedge” to loosen the tailors’ monopoly over the production of more formal, elite, and expensive women's fashions. This new product and more generally the exploding market for clothing, in particular women's clothing, provided seamstresses with the income and market niche from which to expand their numbers and to organize politically within the previously male-dominated trade. Furthermore, they could generally rely on the French state, with its agenda of economic development, to aid in this expansion and organization.
In contrast with much of the prevailing historiography, Crowston demonstrates that when it was in the interest of the French state, authorities were happy to work with and encourage women workers as autonomous producers and not merely as family appendages to guild patriarchs. Crowston thus reinforces Hesse's claim that market expansion brought new opportunities for some women, but she locates these expanding opportunities in the political economy of the late Ancient Regime, rather than in the Revolution's overthrow of it.
In Crowston's history, the seamstresses of Ancient Regime France emerge as relatively powerful and autonomous figures whose work, civic, and gender identities drew upon many sources, but were institutionalized in important ways because of the existence and practices of their guild. The destruction of the guild system during the Revolution thus represents a critical moment in the history of women's work and gender relations—from the perspective of women working in the garment trades, the "freeing" of the market from political constraints brought a largely negative transformation. A closer look at each of these works helps to reveal the origins of the tensions between these two interpretations.
In her analysis of seamstresses and their world and work, Crowston links the evolution of fashion with the skills required to make certain types of clothing and the claims of specific guilds and artisans upon the rights to make and sell articles of clothing. In particular, the late-seventeenth-century introduction of a new style of dress called the manteau or mantua, and its increasing popularity, offered female seamstresses a "wedge" to loosen the tailors' monopoly over the production of more formal, elite, and expensive women's fashions. This new product and more generally the exploding market for clothing, in particular women's clothing, provided seamstresses with the income and market niche from which to expand their numbers and to organize politically within the previously male-dominated trade. Furthermore, they could generally rely on the French state, with its agenda of economic development, to aid in this expansion and organization. In contrast with much of the prevailing historiography, Crowston demonstrates that when it was in the interest of the French state, authorities were happy to work with and encourage women workers as autonomous producers and not merely as family appendages to guild patriarchs. Crowston thus reinforces Hesse's claim that market expansion brought new opportunities for some women, but she locates these expanding opportunities in the political economy of the late Ancient Regime, rather than in the Revolution's overthrow of it.
1. The author's discussion of the relationship between fashion and the organization of labor in the garment industry primarily serves to:
(A) Illustrate the complex interplay between economic, political, and social factors in shaping women's work experiences
(B) Argue for the primacy of fashion trends in determining the structure of the garment industry
(C) Critique Crowston's emphasis on the role of the state in the expansion of the seamstresses' guild
(D) Provide a counterpoint to Hesse's interpretation of the impact of the Revolution on women's opportunities
(E) Suggest that the seamstresses' challenge to the tailors' monopoly was ultimately unsuccessful
2. The passage implies that the prevailing historiography on women's work in pre-Revolutionary France:
(A) Overemphasizes the role of the French state in supporting women workers
(B) Accurately represents the experiences of women in the garment industry
(C) Fails to fully acknowledge the opportunities available to women in the late Ancient Regime
(D) Focuses primarily on the impact of the French Revolution on women's labor
(E) Provides a comprehensive analysis of the relationship between fashion and labor organization
3. Which of the following, if true, would most strengthen Crowston's argument regarding the impact of the destruction of the guild system on women in the garment trades?
(A) The number of female seamstresses increased significantly in the years following the Revolution.
(B) The quality of women's clothing produced after the Revolution declined compared to that produced under the guild system.
(C) The wages of women workers in the garment industry decreased sharply after the dissolution of the guilds.
(D) The French state continued to support women workers in the garment industry after the Revolution.
(E) The demand for women's clothing remained stable in the post-Revolutionary period.
4. The passage suggests that Crowston's interpretation of the seamstresses' guild in Ancient Regime France is primarily focused on:
(A) The guild's role in regulating fashion trends and consumer demand
(B) The guild's ability to challenge the dominance of male-controlled guilds
(C) The guild's effectiveness in securing state support for women workers
(D) The guild's contributions to the economic development of France
(E) The guild's impact on the social and economic status of women in the garment industry
5. The author's stance towards the tension between Crowston's and Hesse's interpretations can best be described as:
(A) Favoring Crowston's interpretation while acknowledging the value of Hesse's perspective
(B) Dismissing both interpretations as incomplete and oversimplified
(C) Attempting to reconcile the two interpretations by highlighting their common ground
(D) Presenting the interpretations as equally valid and complementary
(E) Critiquing both interpretations for their lack of attention to the broader social context
6. The passage implies that the tailors' guild's monopoly over the production of formal women's fashions prior to the introduction of the manteau or mantua was based on:
(A) The superior skills and training of male tailors compared to female seamstresses
(B) The French state's preferential treatment of male-dominated guilds
(C) The limited demand for women's clothing in the early Ancient Regime
(D) The absence of a distinct fashion style that could be claimed by the seamstresses
(E) The seamstresses' lack of political organization and influence within the garment trade
7. According to the passage, which of the following best describes the relationship between the French state's economic policies and the expansion of the seamstresses' guild?
(A) The state's economic policies were the primary driver of the guild's expansion.
(B) The state's support for the guild was a response to pressure from the seamstresses' political organization.
(C) The state's economic agenda and the guild's expansion were mutually reinforcing.
(D) The guild's expansion occurred despite the state's lack of support for women workers.
(E) The state's economic policies had no significant impact on the guild's growth.
8. Which of the following, if true, would most undermine Crowston's argument about the impact of the Revolution on women in the garment trades?
(A) The number of male tailors increased significantly in the post-Revolutionary period.
(B) The quality of women's clothing improved after the dissolution of the guild system.
(C) Women workers in other industries experienced similar negative impacts following the Revolution.
(D) The seamstresses' guild was one of the few guilds to survive the Revolution intact.
(E) The demand for women's clothing grew rapidly in the years following the Revolution.
ACCEADCD
3.Di
Impressionism, a revolutionary movement that originated in the realm of visual arts in the late 19th century, found its musical counterpart in the works of a group of French composers who sought to evoke the ethereal, fleeting, and intangible aspects of human perception through their innovative compositional techniques. Claude Debussy, the most prominent figure of musical Impressionism, once described his aesthetic approach as an attempt to capture "the mysterious correspondences between Nature and the Imagination," a sentiment that encapsulates the essence of this enigmatic and captivating style.
At the heart of musical Impressionism lies a profound shift in the conception of tonality, harmony, and form. Rejecting the rigid strictures of traditional Western tonality, Impressionist composers embraced a more fluid and ambiguous approach to pitch organization, often employing unconventional scales (such as whole-tone and pentatonic scales), extended harmonies, and unresolved dissonances to create a sense of tonal ambiguity and harmonic instability. This liberation from the constraints of functional harmony allowed for a greater emphasis on color, timbre, and texture, as exemplified in Debussy's orchestral masterpiece "rélude à l'après-midi d'un faune" (Prelude to the Afternoon of a Faun), which shimmers with a kaleidoscopic array of instrumental hues and shades.
Impressionist composers also sought to evoke the ephemeral and transient nature of sensory experience through their treatment of rhythm and meter. By employing irregular phrase lengths, frequent tempo changes, and a fluid, almost improvisatory approach to rhythm, they created a sense of temporal ambiguity and flux that mirrored the ever-shifting impressions of the human mind. This is particularly evident in the piano works of Debussy and his compatriot Maurice Ravel, such as the former's "Images" and "réludes" and the latter's "Miroirs" and "Gaspard de la nuit," which exploit the instrument's capacity for subtle gradations of touch and tone to create a vivid and immersive sonic landscape.
Another hallmark of musical Impressionism is its fascination with the exotic and the unknown. Drawing inspiration from the music of distant lands and ancient cultures, such as the gamelan orchestras of Indonesia, the folk melodies of Spain and Russia, and the modal harmonies of medieval plainchant, Impressionist composers sought to evoke a sense of wonder and mystery that transcended the boundaries of Western cultural experience. This is exemplified in works such as Debussy's "agodes" (Pagodas) from his piano suite "Estampes" (Prints), which incorporates pentatonic scales and other elements of East Asian music to create a haunting and otherworldly atmosphere.
Despite its many innovations and achievements, musical Impressionism was not without its detractors and limitations. Some critics, both in its own time and in the decades that followed, dismissed the style as vague, formless, and lacking in substance, arguing that its emphasis on mood and atmosphere came at the expense of clear thematic development and structural coherence. Others, however, saw in Impressionism a bold and visionary attempt to expand the boundaries of musical expression and to capture the ineffable essence of human experience in all its complexity and ambiguity.
Ultimately, the legacy of musical Impressionism lies not only in the intrinsic beauty and originality of its works but also in the profound influence it exerted on the generations of composers that followed. From the lush harmonies of Olivier Messiaen and the ethereal textures of Toru Takemitsu to the atmospheric soundscapes of John Cage and the minimalist explorations of Steve Reich, the innovations of Debussy, Ravel, and their contemporaries continue to resonate in the music of our own time, inviting us to listen more deeply and to marvel at the infinite mysteries of sound and sensation.
1. The passage suggests that musical Impressionism was primarily concerned with:
(A) Capturing the ineffable essence of human experience through innovative compositional techniques
(B) Adhering to the rigid strictures of traditional Western tonality
(C) Emphasizing clear thematic development and structural coherence
(D) Rejecting the influence of exotic and unknown musical cultures
2. According to the passage, which of the following composers was NOT a prominent figure of musical Impressionism?
(A) Claude Debussy
(B) Maurice Ravel
(C) Olivier Messiaen
(D) The passage does not provide enough information to determine this
3. The passage suggests that Impressionist composers' treatment of rhythm and meter was characterized by:
(A) Strict adherence to regular phrase lengths and consistent tempos
(B) A rejection of the concept of rhythm altogether
(C) The use of irregular phrase lengths, frequent tempo changes, and a fluid, improvisatory approach
(D) A focus on complex polyrhythms and metric modulations
4. Which of the following best describes the influence of musical Impressionism on later generations of composers, according to the passage?
(A) It had little or no impact on the music of the 20th and 21st centuries
(B) Its influence was limited to French composers of the early 20th century
(C) It profoundly influenced a wide range of composers, from Messiaen and Takemitsu to Cage and Reich
(D) Its influence was primarily felt in the realm of visual arts rather than music
5. The author's attitude towards the criticism of musical Impressionism as vague, formless, and lacking in substance can best be described as:
(A) Strongly supportive
(B) Dismissive
(C) Neutral, presenting both positive and negative views
(D) Uncertain or ambivalent
1. 答案A)。文章开头就提到,印象派音乐试图通过创新的作曲技巧来捕捉人类感知中的空灵、短暂和无形的方面,这表明印象派音乐的主要关注点是捕捉人类体验的难以言喻的本质。
2. 答案D)。文章提到了克洛德·德彪西和莫里斯·拉威尔是印象派音乐的著名代表,但没有明确说明奥利维尔·梅西安是否属于印象派。因此,根据文章提供的信息无法确定梅西安是否不是印象派音乐的主要人物。
3. 答案C)。文章第三段明确指出,印象派作曲家通过使用不规则的乐句长度、频繁的速度变化以及流畅、即兴的节奏方法,创造出一种时间上的模糊和变化感。
4. 答案C)。文章最后一段提到,印象派音乐对后来几代作曲家产生了深远的影响,从梅西安和武满彻的和声到凯奇和赖希的氛围音景,都能感受到德彪西、拉威尔等人的创新所带来的影响。
5. 答案C)。文章倒数第二段提到,一些批评家认为印象派音乐模糊、无形式、缺乏实质,但同时也有人认为它是一次大胆而富有远见的尝试。作者在文中并未明确表达自己的立场,而是中立地呈现了正反两面的观点。
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