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之前大家对揽瓜阁精读的反馈很好，就想着自己的时间开始把一些精读的文章根据JJ出题目～ 然后focus上线，IR需求 大家也大。就想着 把揽瓜阁的阅读 逻辑 IR 都放在这贴里打卡
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1.CR
A certain type of fish is sold in two distinct markets: uptown supermarkets and downtown markets. The fish is sourced from the same supplier for both markets, but uptown supermarkets sell it at a higher price. Despite this price difference, the total profit from fish sales is approximately the same for both types of markets. It is known that the overhead costs for uptown supermarkets are not likely to be lower than those of downtown markets.
Which of the following, if true, best explains why the total profits are similar despite the price difference?
A) The quality of fish sold in uptown supermarkets is significantly higher, justifying the price difference.
B) Downtown markets have a more efficient distribution system, reducing their operational costs.
C) Uptown supermarkets have a higher markup percentage on the fish, compensating for lower sales volume.
D) Consumers in the downtown area are more price-sensitive, leading to more frequent promotions and discounts.
E) The supplier charges a higher wholesale price to uptown supermarkets, narrowing their profit margin per unit sold.
Recent studies have shown that when a newly developed pesticide is combined with an older pesticide, the mixture becomes toxic to humans. However, these pesticides are used on different crops that have non-overlapping growing seasons in the same agricultural region. Agricultural authorities have concluded that there is no need to ban either pesticide, as they are safe when used separately and at different times.
Which of the following, if true, most seriously weakens the authorities' conclusion?
A) The new pesticide has been shown to increase crop yields by 30% compared to the older pesticide.
B) Farmers in neighboring regions have successfully implemented alternative pest control methods that don't require chemical pesticides.
C) The older pesticide can persist in soil for up to 18 months after application, potentially overlapping with the use of the new pesticide in the next growing season.
D) Both pesticides are highly effective against a wide range of crop-damaging insects when used individually.
E) The toxicity of the pesticide mixture is only observed in laboratory conditions and has not been replicated in field studies.
答案:
CC
2.RC
Scholars have long speculated about the causes of both the rise and the dramatic collapse of the Classic Maya (c. C.E. 250-950) of Mesoamerica. Their rise has been considered anomalous because Maya civilization seemed to deviate from the many examples documenting a close relationship between the control of water and political power (e.g., Fagan 1999:248-252; Weber 1964:31; Wittfogel 1957; Wortman 1985). In Mesopotamia, Egypt, China, the Indus Valley, Andean South America, and central Mexico, for example, ancient civilizations emerged in areas with natural water sources and agricultural land that supported a densely settled subject populace; elite control of water for agricultural production allowed leaders to exact tribute from the local population. In contrast, southern Maya kings in lowland jungles often ruled from civic-ceremonial centers in areas with fertile land, but without natural water sources, suggesting that power was unrelated to water control in these cases.
I argue that scholars have overlooked the importance of the control of artificial reservoirs by Maya rulers and suggest that control of this type of water resource played a critical role in the florescence of Maya civilization and in its later collapse. Further, I suggest that a focus on the control of artificial reservoirs helps explain differences in the historical trajectories of large and small Maya settlements. In large regional civic-ceremonial centers, Maya rulers lost the means to control water in the Terminal Classic (c. C.E. 850-950) because of climatic changes, resulting in the collapse of power. Minor and secondary centers in areas less dependent on water control, by contrast, survived the drought and avoided collapse.
The power of Maya rulers―particularly their ability to exact tribute, or surplus labor and goods, from others―derived from a complex relationship among a number of factors, particularly the location of the center from where they ruled, its seasonal water supply, the amount of agricultural land, and settlement density. I outline the specific relationship among these factors below.
A problem with any model is that it cannot account for every situation, as is the case when attempting to explain the Maya collapse. The model I present does not account for the political histories of every Maya center but provides a general organizational framework by which to evaluate how water control and political power figured in the rise and fall of political leadership among the Maya. I focus on the processes of collapse that occur once they are set in motion rather than presenting a new cause. This approach, thus, does not discount earlier perspectives but views them as local events rather than pan-Maya explanations.
Generally, densely settled areas where people are tied to the land because of subsistence technology (e.g., plowed fields, canals, dams, agricultural terraces, fish ponds, transportation, storage facilities) facilitate the rise of consolidated political power (Gilman 1981) because leaders can more easily control access to critical resources, people, and their surplus (Earle 1997:7). Conversely, scattered resources are harder to monopolize and result in dispersed populations that are more difficult to integrate. Maya rulers faced particular difficulties in drawing farmers close to the ceremonial-civic centers over which they ruled. The majority of farmers lived dispersed in farmsteads throughout non center or hinterland areas, mirroring the patch like distribution of fertile land (Dunning 1998; Fedick and Ford 1990; Rice 1993; Sanders 1977). Maya farmers used a combination of agricultural techniques including house gardens; short-fallow infields; long-fallow outfields to grow maize, beans, and squash (Flannery 1982; Harrison and Turner 1978; Killion 1990); and various types of intensive agricultural techniques such as raised fields, dams, canals, and terraces (Dunning 1997). However, few or none of these techniques appear to have been under elite control (Demarest 1992; Tourtellot 1993; cf. Marcus 1982). Other farmers lived near or in centers, where they may not have stayed during the labor-intensive rainy seasons, especially if their fields were at some distance, requiring the use of field houses (e.g., Ford 1992; Lucero 1999a; Webster 1992). In addition, some farmers may have had to find new land in the face of growing population and increasing competition over land, especially during the Classic period (Ford 1991b; Tourtellot 1993). Hinterland Maya farming communities also may have been relatively economically self-sufficient (Lucero 2001). Consequently, the ruling elite needed to integrate not only a relatively dispersed and self-sufficient populace but also one that may have been somewhat mobile (Drennan 1988; Ford 1990; Santley 1990).
That these rulers were able to do so is primarily because of the nature of seasonal rainfall and water availability in the area. Particularly significant is the four-month annual drought, from January to May. This had particular consequences in regions lacking rivers and lakes such as those where the regional centers Tikal, Caracol, and Calakmul emerged (Figure 1). The lack of surface water for four months every year required the Maya to devise ways to store water. Rather than concentrate people through a dependence on agricultural technologies, rulers concentrated an even more vital resource, drinking water. The earliest rulers of Tikal, Caracol, Calakmul, and other centers organized the construction and maintenance of large artificial reservoirs in center cores next to temples and other monumental architecture. Rulers' control of reservoirs during seasonal drought combined with their performance of associated rituals, facilitated dry-season nucleation at these centers, and lessened the need for hinterland communities to build their own reservoirs (Lucero 1999c).
1. The author's argument regarding the role of artificial reservoirs in Maya civilization can best be characterized as:
A) A paradigm shift that completely invalidates previous scholarship
B) A nuanced refinement that bridges seemingly contradictory theories
C) An incremental advancement building on established archaeological evidence
D) A speculative hypothesis lacking substantial empirical support
E) A reconciliation of conflicting interpretations of Maya political structure
2. The passage suggests that the relationship between water control and political power in Maya civilization was:
A) Inversely proportional to the size of the settlement
B) Consistent across all Maya centers regardless of geography
C) More complex in areas lacking natural water sources
D) Primarily relevant only during periods of severe drought
D) Mediated by the density of agricultural land use
3. Which of the following, if true, would most seriously undermine the author's thesis?
A) Evidence of extensive trade networks between Maya centers and hinterlands
B) Discovery of advanced irrigation systems in small Maya settlements
C) Proof that Maya rulers derived significant power from control of obsidian trade
D) Archaeological findings showing uniform collapse across all Maya settlements
E) Documentation of regular tribute payments from dispersed farming communities
4. The author's discussion of Maya farmers' agricultural techniques serves primarily to:
A) Illustrate the technological sophistication of Maya civilization
B) Contrast Maya agricultural practices with those of other ancient civilizations
C) Explain why Maya rulers had difficulty controlling the rural population
D) Demonstrate the ecological diversity of the Maya lowlands
E) Argue for the superiority of Maya farming methods over those of their neighbors
5. The passage implies that the survival of minor and secondary Maya centers during the Terminal Classic period was due to:
A) Their superior water management technologies
B) A less rigid social hierarchy compared to larger centers
C) Their ability to maintain trade relations with other regions
D) A reduced dependence on centralized water control
E) More favorable climatic conditions in their localities
6. The author's model of Maya political power can be best described as:
A) Monocausal, focusing exclusively on water control
B) Bifurcated, distinguishing between large and small settlements
C) Cyclical, explaining both the rise and fall of Maya civilization
D) Multifactorial, integrating environmental and social variables
E) Comparative, drawing parallels with other Mesoamerican cultures
7. Which of the following can be inferred about the author's view of previous scholarship on Maya civilization?
A) It has systematically overestimated the role of agriculture in Maya politics
B) It has failed to adequately consider the impact of climate change
C) It has not sufficiently accounted for regional variations in Maya political structures
D) It has overlooked the significance of water management in favor of more visible factors
E) It has exaggerated the degree of centralization in Maya governance
8. The passage suggests that the control of artificial reservoirs by Maya rulers:
A) Was a strategy deliberately developed to compensate for lack of natural water sources
B) Emerged as an unintended consequence of ritual practices
C) Resulted from technological innovations imported from other civilizations
D) Was primarily a means of demonstrating wealth rather than exerting political control
E) Evolved differently in various regions of the Maya lowlands
9. The author's discussion of the dispersed nature of Maya settlement patterns serves to:
A) Highlight the unique challenges faced by Maya rulers in maintaining power
B) Argue for the superiority of Maya agricultural techniques
C) Explain the rapid collapse of Maya civilization during periods of drought
D) Demonstrate the egalitarian nature of Maya society
E) Contrast Maya urbanism with that of other Mesoamerican cultures
10. The passage implies that the relationship between water control and political power in Maya civilization was:
A) Static throughout the Classic period
B) Analogous to that found in Mesopotamia and Egypt
C) More significant in the rise of Maya civilization than in its collapse
D) Primarily relevant only in the largest Maya centers
E) Subject to variation based on local environmental conditions
BCECDDDAAE
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发表于 2024-6-21 08:41:23
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