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【阅读】08/10起月度寂静整理(08/17更新,39篇原始,34篇考古)

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发表于 2018-8-10 20:55:20 来自手机 | 只看该作者 回帖奖励 |倒序浏览 |阅读模式
目录                                                                  08.13              0814              8.16             8.17
一、 【暂无考古】sustainable company                            新增原始】   
二、 【考古】维生素D                                                                          【新增原始】 【新增原始】
三、 【考古】Native American                                         新增原始】   
四、 【考古】奴隶船
五、 【考古】Mercury
六、 【考古】Soft sing
七、 【考古】Return rate
八、 【考古】Drug patent
九、 【考古】Furnace  
十、 【新增考古】黑人口述文学                  【新增考古】
十一、     【新增原始】岩石sweating           新增原始】  新增原始】
十二、     【考古】Golden age
十三、     【考古】Symbol economy
十四、     【考古】鸭子                                                   新增原始】
十五、     【考古】Robot
十六、     【暂无考古】部落
十七、     【考古】巨型动物
十八、     【暂无考古】象牙
十九、     【考古】Default strategy
二十、     【考古】研究忽略黑人富人
二十一、           【考古】Grass
二十二、           【考古】Lava
二十三、           【考古】Screeningtest
二十四、           【考古】照片                                         新增原始】
二十五、           【考古】Manufacture
二十六、           【考古】德国失业率
二十七、           【考古】Patron
二十八、           【考古】Incongruityeffect
二十九、           【考古】Focus group
三十、    【考古】Dark matter
三十一、【考古】沼泽
三十二、【考古】book auction
三十三、 【考古】羊毛
三十四、 【考古】喜火树
三十五、 【暂无考古】女性工作
三十六、 【考古】Boater
三十七、 【考古】复活岛石像
三十八、 【考古】美国layoff
三十九、【考古】法国女裁缝

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2018-08-10起寂静整理汇总
【原始汇总】08/10起原始狗汇总 by Cinderella灰
https://forum.chasedream.com/thread-1326921-1-1.html
【数学】08/10起数学寂静原始稿 by qv0518
https://forum.chasedream.com/thread-1326925-1-1.html
【数学讨论稿1-100】08/10起数学讨论稿 Mawmawmia
https://forum.chasedream.com/thread-1326948-1-1.html
【数学讨论稿101-200】0730起数学寂静讨论稿 by platinumau
https://forum.chasedream.com/thread-1326951-1-1.html
【阅读】08/10起越渡整理 by huajiananhai
https://forum.chasedream.com/thread-1326949-1-1.html
【逻辑】08/10起洛基寂静整理 by AthenaF
https://forum.chasedream.com/thread-1326928-1-1.html
【语法】08/10起愈发寂静整理 by AthenaF
https://forum.chasedream.com/thread-1326929-1-1.html
【作文】08/10起坐稳寂静整理 by qv0518
https://forum.chasedream.com/thread-1326926-1-1.html
【IR】08/10起IR寂静整理 by Super鳄鱼杭
https://forum.chasedream.com/thread-1326970-1-1.html

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沙发
发表于 2018-8-10 22:27:45 | 只看该作者
谢谢整理人员!
板凳
发表于 2018-8-11 12:37:19 来自手机 | 只看该作者
发表于 2018-08-10 20:55:20
待更新

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2018-08-10起寂静整理汇总
...

Mark一下
地板
发表于 2018-8-11 23:24:41 | 只看该作者
想问一下,这个word里面的都是8.10这个裤出现过的题目吗
5#
发表于 2018-8-12 06:50:33 | 只看该作者
最近以来世界经济遭受很大的变动.其中最obvious but the least understood的就是名目经济.虽然传统理论认为symbol Economy (trade, flow of capital, exchange rate等等)受国内的实质经济(the flow of service and goods)影响,但是好像某一段时期后的观察发现事实不太是如此.

The third major change that has occurred in the world economy is the emergence of the “symbol" economy—capital movements, exchange rates and credit flows—as the flywheel of the world economy, in place of the “real” economy—the flow of goods and services. The two economies seem to be operating increasingly independently. This is both the most visible and the least understood of the changes.

在某一段时期symbol Economy曾经很夸张的成长.举例,当全球的flow of goods and services总值到3 trillion时,伦敦的证交所的trade值就有75 trillion了.但后来的期间虽然实质经济有成长,但名目经济却和以前相比没有太大变动.


World trade in goods is larger, much larger, than it has ever been before. And so is the “invisible trade,” the trade in services. Together, the two amount to around $2.5 trillion to $3 trillion a year. But the London Eurodollar market, in which the world’s financial institutions borrow from and lend to each other, turns over $300 billion each working day, or $75 trillion a year, a volume at least 25 times that of world trade.”

In addition, there are the foreign exchange transactions in the world’s main money centers, in which one currency is traded against another. These run around $150 billion a day, or about $35 trillion a year—12 times the worldwide trade in goods and services.

Of course, many of these Eurodollars, yen and Swiss francs are just being moved from one pocket to another and may be counted more than once. A massive discrepancy still exists, and there is only one conclusion: capital movements unconnected to trade—and indeed largely independent of it—greatly exceed trade finance.

There is no one explanation for this explosion of international—or more accurately, transnational—money flows. The shift from fixed to floating exchange rates in 1971 may have given an initial impetus (though, ironically, it was meant to do the exact opposite) by inviting currency speculation. The surge in liquid funds flowing to petroleum producers after the two oil shocks of 1973 and 1979 was surely a major factor.

But there can be little doubt that the U.S. government deficit also plays a big role. The American budget has become a financial “black hole," sucking in liquid funds from all over the world, making the United States the world‘s major debtor country.” Indeed, it can be argued that it is the budget deficit that underlies the American trade and payments deficit. A trade and payments deficit is, in effect, a loan from the seller of goods and services to the buyer, that is, to the United States. Without it Washington could not finance its budget deficit, at
least not without the risk of explosive inflation.

Neither符号经济符合凯因斯的model,就是国内经济会影响trade再举例,最近的实证发现,(D4下考逻辑,请注意各自的贸易与就业关系,我的可能有点小差异)美国在一段时间虽然有很多的trade deficit,但其unemployment rate却低于几个major 工业国.然后美国的失业率又比德国低,虽然德国有trade surplus.然后日本和德国一样在export有很大的成长,但是其国内经济却持续疲软,也没有创造多的国内工作(有题,如果日本符合理论的话,下列何者为对)


The way major countries have learned to use the international economy to avoid tackling disagreeable domestic problems is unprecedented: the United States has used high interest rates to attract foreign capital and avoid confronting its domestic deficit; the Japanese have pushed exports to maintain employment despite a sluggish domestic economy. This politicization of the international economy is surely also a factor in the extreme volatility and instability of capital flows and exchange rates.

Whichever of these causes is judged the most important, together they have produced a basic change: in the world economy of today, the “real" economy of goods and services and the “symbol” economy of money, credit and capital are no longer bound tightly to each other; they are, indeed, moving further and further apart.

Traditional international economic theory is still neoclassical, holding that trade in goods and services determines international capital flows and foreign exchange rates. Capital flows and foreign exchange rates since the Irst half of the 1970s have, however, moved quite independently of foreign trade, and indeed (e.g., in the rise of the dollar in 1984-85) have run counter to it.

结论,细节不清楚了,大意是最近这些变化显现国内经济和实际上是比较independent的。有一句比较记忆深刻:Although the U.S has trade deficit, its unemployment rate is below other countries except Japan. Surprisingly, German 有trade surplus,但unemployment rate很高。Japan 的trade surplus跟German一样,也是很高,但 suffer from sluggish economy and could not generate more job opportunity


But the world economy also does not fit the Keynesian mode] in which the “symbol" economy determines the “real” economy. The relationship between the turbulences in the world economy and the various domestic economies has become quite obscure. Despite its unprecedented trade deficit, the United States has had no deflation and has barely been able to keep inflation in check; it also has the lowest unemployment rate of any major industrial country except Japan, lower than that of West Germany, whose exports of manufactured goods and trade surpluses have been growing as fast as those of Japan. Conversely, despite the exponential growth of Japanese exports and an unprecedented Japanese trade surplus, the Japanese domestic economy is not booming but has remained remarkably sluggish and is not generating any new jobs.

Economists assume that the “real" economy and the “symbol” economy will come together again. They do disagree, however—and quite sharply—as to whether they will do so in a “soft landing” or in a head-on collision.

The ”soft-landing" scenario—the Reagan Administration is committed to it, as are the governments of most of the other developed countries—expects the US. government deficit and the US. trade deficit to go down together until both attain surplus, or at least balance, sometime in the early 19905. Presumably both capital flows and exchange rates will then stabilize, with production and employment high and inflation low In major developed countries.


6#
发表于 2018-8-12 07:12:41 | 只看该作者
https://www.newscientist.com/article/mg16522234-500-return-to-the-iron-planet/

Whatever happened to Mercury must also have affected the other inner planets, because they all formed at about the same time and by similar processes. We know that all four inner planets have different compositions. Some of these differences may be due to the random nature of accretion, particularly the final phases when Mercury-sized and even Mars-sized objects were hitting the larger planets. Others may be a function of distance from the Sun. If Mercury’s silicates were sifted away, for instance, then such sorting should have had a smaller but perhaps important effect on the ratio of metal to rock in the other planets.

Fortunately, each hypothesis for Mercury’s high iron content predicts a different composition for the planet’s rock. If the impact model is right, there should be low levels of elements such as aluminium and calcium that tend to concentrate in planetary crusts, as these outer layers of the planet would have been blasted away. The sorting model implies that the rock-forming elements should be in proportions expected for solar material in the planet-forming nebula at Mercury’s distance from the Sun. The vaporisation model predicts that there should be lower concentrations of volatile elements, which have low boiling points.



7#
发表于 2018-8-12 08:41:14 来自手机 | 只看该作者
发表于 2018-08-10 20:55:20
目录一、 【暂无考古】sustainable company二、 【考古】维生素D三、 【考古】Na...

Mark一下
8#
发表于 2018-8-12 14:21:51 | 只看该作者
又想起来一篇,是讲一个什么城市 虽然不是商业大城市,但是却是那个国家第一个举办二手书拍卖的城市
然后还讲到了union还是啥的,还有监管
最后一段讲的这个城市原本有的监管,但是针对的是moveable商品的交易
这篇做的不好,记得不全,等考古吧...
题目的话 我只记得 如果最后一段关于监管的分析是true的 那么以下哪个情况会发生,选项我也忘了 但当时好像犹豫了一下的...

原始贴还有这样一篇,麻烦阅读君考古一下~~感激不尽!
9#
发表于 2018-8-12 16:29:42 | 只看该作者
Culture and History, 1350-1600: Essays on English Communities, Identities and Writing
May 1, 1992
by David Aers

Page 161

说人们对待women在1850年到1900年有一个transition。1850年之前还不错,但1900年之后就变了。这里举了三个例子说明women的地位从哪些方面变了,不记得了==


The history of women’s relationship with guilds needs further examination, but our evidence at hand suggests neither a great transition nor a medieval ‘golden age’. The same is true of our final index of women’s work – the history of women’s wages between 1300 and 1700. Not all women worked for wages, to be sure, but sum paid to wage-earning women provide crucial measures of not only the perceived value of women’s work but also women’s earning power.

guild (noun) = an association of skilled workers in the Middle Ages

一个theory说欧洲的women 从1300年至1700年经历了从"gold age"到什么exploitation的转变transformation,说虽然这个理论没有被unchallenged,但是作者认为这个理论并不正确。有三个东西--好像是妇女能做以前不能做的工作,wage变化,还有一个忘了。--能说明这种transformation是不存在的。然后提到了一个data来支持那个作者反对的theory,然后又说了,这个data有三个方面的Limits。


Page 162

In the history of women’s work between 1300 and 1700, then, these four measures – women’s place within the family economy, the types of work pursued by women, women’s roles within guilds and the wages paid to women – suggest that there was no great divide between medieval ‘golden age’ and an early-modern age of growing inactivity and exploitation. Change occurred, to be sure – the family economy lost its effectiveness in some economic sectors, women left some trades (such as brewing), guilds became generally more exclusive, female wage-earners competed more or less effectively for better wages. Yet, we must view these changes (and others) with a strong scepticism. First, many of the changes that occurred were of quite short duration. For example, it seems possible – from both extant evidence and economic theory – that the labour shortages of the decades that followed the Black Death improved the wage-earning potential of women. During the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, wage differentials between unskilled and skilled labourers narrowed considerably, and since women’s work’ was generally unskilled work, its wages – together with wages for unskilled male labour – gained ground on skilled wages. At the same time, women might have been able to bargain more effectively not only for better pay but also for equal work paid at equal wages; most of our examples of equal pay for equal work come from these labour-short decades. But these changes were a short-term phenomenon, confined to the peculiar circumstances of a population ravaged by disease. For another example, many guild ordinances against women’s work seem to have been prompted by adverse economic conditions and seem to have applied (if they ever had real effect at all) only to years of hard times. Hence, such ordinances were very common in London during the difficult years of the 1540s; they are rare before and rare thereafter. Changes such as these are very telling, for they indicate both the vulnerability of female workers and the economic usefulness of their occupational adaptability. We need to study these changes (and others) in more detail, but we also need to remember that they proved to be ephemeral. They were small and temporary shifts, not transformations.

Second, even the most positive shifts affected only a tiny minority of women. Most of our evidence for an improvement in the working opportunities of women after the plague, for example, involves wage-earning women or women in urban locales. Yet only a very small proportion of women would have been able to take advantage of these short-term changes. Relatively few people (and even fewer than men) worked for wages in the later Middle Ages and relatively few people lived in towns. Moreover, even in the best of times and places, most women were unable to take advantage of new opportunities that were potentially theirs; most wage-earning women still worked in lower-paid female jobs, as did most urban women

P2 事实上在某些方面(这里有举例training,wage。。。)和男性比起来,妇女还是受到了忽视



Third, these changes – as ephemeral and as limited as they were – must also be placed within a context of enduring continuities in the circumstances, status and experiences of women workers. As I have demonstrated from four perspectives, most women – in 1300 as in 1700 – sought to support themselves (and their families) through a variety of low-skilled, low-status, low-paid occupations. In the world of pre-industrial England, all people – men as well as women – worked hard, long and in difficult circumstance, but the working status of women – compared with that of men – was consistently lower: they received less training, they worked at less desirable tasks, they enjoyed less occupational stability and a weaker work identity, they received lower wages. This was as true in the best of times (as perhaps in some locales after the plague) as in the worst of time. We need to collect much more information about how women’s work and women’s wages shifted and altered within this framework of economic subordination, but the framework remained: there was no transformation.

ephemeral (adj) = lasting or used for only a short period of time
subordination (noun) = the act of treating somebody/something as less important than somebody/something else

In one sense, my argument with those who posit a great transition in women’s work is a perceptual one. Scholars like Caroline Barron and Susan Cahn look at the ‘glass’ of women’s economic activity in fifteenth-century England and see it as half full; I see the same ‘glass’ but I see it as half empty. My disagreement is, however, more substantial than merely a matter of perspective. For scholars who work within the paradigm of great transformation see women’s work within an entirely different framework, a framework that best accommodates not small and temporary shifts but instead transformative and dramatic change. This framework suits well a liberal historiographic tradition, for it implies that a ‘golden age’ for women – part of the relatively recent past of the West – can be easily recovered in the future without major structural changes. Within this framework, the Middle Ages – in which women worked within family economies that firmly subordinated their interests to those of their husbands, in which women’s work was characteristically low status, low-skilled, and low-paid, in which women attained at best only vert restricted access to guild life, and in which women worked for wages usually far below the wages paid to men – becomes a ‘golden age’, a ‘paradise’ which early-modern women lost.

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10#
发表于 2018-8-12 17:23:29 | 只看该作者
http://read.dangdang.com/content_911823?ref=read-3-C&book_id=6334 这好像是symbol economy原著的中文版
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