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Passage 34 (34/63)
Kazuko Nakane’s history of the early Japanese immigrants to central California’s Pajaro Valley focuses on the development of farming communities there from 1890 to 1940. The Issei (first-generation immigrants) were brought into the Pajaro Valley to raise sugar beets. Like Issei laborers in American cities, Japanese men in rural areas sought employment via the “boss” system. The system comprised three elements: immigrant wage laborers; Issei boardinghouses where laborers stayed; and labor contractors, who gathered workers for a particular job and then negotiated a contract between workers and employer. This same system was originally utilized by the Chinese laborers who had preceded the Japanese. A related institution was the “labor club,” which provided job information and negotiated employment contracts and other legal matters, such as the rental of land, for Issei who chose to belong and paid an annual fee to the cooperative for membership.
When the local sugar beet industry collapsed in 1902, the Issei began to lease land from the valley’s strawberry farmers. The Japanese provided the labor and the crop was divided between laborers and landowners. The Issei thus moved quickly from wage-labor employment to sharecropping agreements. A limited amount of economic progress was made as some Issei were able to rent or buy farmland directly, while others joined together to form farming corporations. As the Issei began to operate farms, they began to marry and start families, forming an established Japanese American community. Unfortunately, the Issei’s efforts to attain agricultural independence were hampered by government restrictions, such as the Alien Land Law of 1913. But immigrants could circumvent such exclusionary laws by leasing or purchasing land in their American-born children’s names.
Nakane’s case study of one rural Japanese American community provides valuable information about the lives and experiences of the Issei. It is, however, too particularistic. This limitation derives from Nakane’s methodology—that of oral history—which cannot substitute for a broader theoretical or comparative perspective. Future research might well consider two issues raised by her study: were the Issei of the Pajaro Valley similar to or different from Issei in urban settings, and what variations existed between rural Japanese American communities?
1. The primary purpose of the passage is to C
(A) defend a controversial hypothesis presented in a history of early Japanese immigrants to California
(B) dismiss a history of an early Japanese settlement in California as narrow and ill constructed
(C) summarize and critique a history of an early Japanese settlement in California
(D) compare a history of one Japanese American community with studies of Japanese settlements throughout California
(E) examine the differences between Japanese and Chinese immigrants to central California in the 1890’s
2. Which of the following best describes a “labor club,” as defined in the passage? D
(A) An organization to which Issei were compelled to belong if they sought employment in the Pajaro Valley
(B) An association whose members included labor contractors and landowning “bosses”
(C) A type of farming corporation set up by Issei who had resided in the Pajaro Valley for some time
(D) A cooperative association whose members were dues-paying Japanese laborers
(E) A social organization to which Japanese laborers and their families belonged
3. Based on information in the passage, which of the following statements concerning the Alien Land Law of 1913 is most accurate? D
(A) It excluded American-born citizens of Japanese ancestry from landownership.
(B) It sought to restrict the number of foreign immigrants to California.
(C) It successfully prevented Issei from ever purchasing farmland.
(D) It was applicable to first-generation immigrants but not to their American-born children.
(E) It was passed under pressure from the Pajaro Valley’s strawberry farmers.
4. Several Issei families join together to purchase a strawberry field and the necessary farming equipment. Such a situation best exemplifies which of the following, as it is described in the passage? B
(A) A typical sharecropping agreement
(B) A farming corporation
(C) A “labor club”
(D) The “boss” system
(E) Circumvention of the Alien Land Law
5. The passage suggests that which of the following was an indirect consequence of the collapse of the sugar beet industry in the Pajaro Valley? A
(A) The Issei formed a permanent, family-based community.
(B) Boardinghouses were built to accommodate the Issei.
(C) The Issei began to lease land in their children’s names.
(D) The Issei adopted a labor contract system similar to that used by Chinese immigrants.
(E) The Issei suffered a massive dislocation caused by unemployment.
6. The author of the passage would most likely agree that which of the following, if it had been included in Nakane’s study, would best remedy the particularistic nature of that study? A C
(A) A statistical table comparing per capita income of Issei wage laborers and sharecroppers in the Pajaro Valley(虽然是比较，但还是局限于PV的地方)
(B) A statistical table showing per capita income of Issei in the Pajaro Valley from 1890 to 1940
(C) A statistical table showing rates of farm ownership by Japanese Americans in four central California counties from 1890 to 1940（包含了四个地方，范围border）
(D) A discussion of original company documents dealing with the Pajaro Valley sugar beet industry at the turn of the century
(E) Transcripts of interviews conducted with members of the Pajaro Valley Japanese American community who were born in the 1920’s and 1930’s
7. It can be inferred from the passage that, when the Issei began to lease land from the Valley’s strawberry farmers, the Issei most probably did which of the following? C
(A) They used profits made from selling the strawberry crop to hire other Issei.
(B) They negotiated such agricultural contracts using the “boss” system.
(C) They paid for the use of the land with a share of the strawberry crop.(sharecropping)
(D) They earned higher wages than when they raised sugar beets.
(E) They violated the Alien Land Law.
我来吧文章分析一边，顺便理清下自己的思路
开始作者说研究日本移民的KN讲重点放在农场社区的发展（Kazuko Nakane’s history of the early Japanese immigrants to central California’s Pajaro Valley focuses on the development of farming communities there from 1890 to 1940. ）————这是主题，后面除了最后一段都是讲development of farming communities.
然后讲，一开始是boss system,然后是它的组成。然后说到 labor club(注意labor club的某个特点-可以租地了such as the rental of land)
第一段是讲形成farming communities之前的情况，为了形成做铺垫
第二段：因为beets 产业的滑落，I开始从landerowners租地了，所以日本人分成了两种：labor;landowner.然后推出雇佣关系到合作关系的转变（可能小日本那时没钱，只能用crop付账了，只能这么变），然后出现了这句（ A limited amount of economic progress was made as some Issei were able to rent or buy farmland directly, while others joined together to form farming corporations.）这句话意思是：当一些I人可以直接租地或买地，而其他人必须合伙开农产品公司时经济的前进的很有限。为什么？我认为是：买地或租地的人很少，农作物就不多，而不多的农作物必须要分给labor,那能卖到市场的农作物就更不多了，农作物不多，农产品公司卖什么呢？所以经济没有什么前进。文章接着讲：当I开始经营农场是，他们就渐渐形成community。然而政府的法律却限制I获得土地的独立所有权，然而，通过用孩子的名义租或买可以巧妙的避开法律的监管！
以上两段都是讲农场社区的形成（I怎么开始能有土地，有土地之后开始结婚，形成家庭，然后渐渐变成社区）
第三段作者提出了N研究的缺陷（one rural : particularistic）,并不border和comparative.认为以后的研究可以：比较农村和城市的区别，及不同地区的区别！
本文章由于逻辑跳跃性大，联系的不紧密，比较难懂！
且文章还用了 issei 和japanese来混乱我们思维，其实此文中Issei就可以=Japanese（Like Issei laborers in American cities, Japanese men……） |
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发表于 2009-7-18 13:51:00
