GWD25-Q25 to 28

Boot

In mid-February 1917 a women’s movement independent of political affiliation erupted in New York City, the stronghold of the Socialist party in the United states. Protesting against the high cost of living, thousands of women refused to buy chickens, fish, and vegetables. The boycott shut down much of the City’s foodstuffs marketing for two weeks, riveting public attention on the issue of food prices, which had increased partly as a result of increased exports of food to Europe that had been occurring since the outbreak of the First World War.
By early 1917 the Socialist party had established itself as a major political presence in New York City. New York Socialists, whose customary spheres of struggle were electoral work and trade union organizing, seized the opportunity and quickly organized an extensive series of cost-of-living protests designed to direct the women’s movement toward Socialist goals. Underneath the Socialists’ brief commitment to cost-of-living organizing lay a basic indifference to the issue itself. While some Socialists did view price protests as a direct step toward socialism, most Socialists ultimately sought to divert the cost-of-living movement into alternative channels of protest. Union organizing, they argued, was the best method through which to combat the high cost of living. For others, cost-of-living or organizing was valuable insofar as it led women into the struggle for suffrage, and similarly, the suffrage struggle was valuable insofar as it moved United States society one step closer to socialism.
Although New York’s Socialists saw the cost-of-living issue as, at best, secondary or tertiary to the real task at hand, the boycotters, by sharp contrast, joined the price protest movement out of an urgent and deeply felt commitment to the cost-of-living issue. A shared experience of swiftly declining living standards caused by rising food prices drove these women to protest. Consumer organizing spoke directly to their daily lives and concerns; they saw cheaper food as a valuable end in itself. Food price protests were these women’s way of organizing at their own workplace, as workers whose occupation was shopping and preparing food for their families.

Boot

Q25
The author suggests which of the following about the New York Socialists’ commitment to the cost-of-living movement?
A.    It lasted for a relatively short period of time.
B.    It was stronger than their commitment to the suffrage struggle.
C.    It predated the cost-of-living protests that erupted in 1917.
D.    It coincided with their attempts to bring more women into union organizing.
E.    It explained the popularity of the socialist party in New York City.

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Q26
It can be inferred from the passage that the goal of the boycotting women was the
A.    achievement of an immediate economic outcome
B.    development of a more socialistic society
C.    concentration of widespread consumer protests on the more narrow issue of food prices
D.    development of one among a number of different approaches that the women wished to employ in combating the high cost of living.
E.    attraction of more public interest to issues that the women and the New York socialists considered important.

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Q27
Which of the following best states the function of the passage as a whole?
A.    To contrast the views held by the Socialist party and by the boycotting women of New York City on the cost-of-living issue
B.    To analyze the assumptions underlying opposing viewpoints within the New York socialist party of 1917
C.    To provide a historical perspective on different approaches to the resolution of the cost-of-living issue.
D.    To chronicle the sequence of events that led to the New York Socialist party’s emergence as a political power
E.    To analyze the motivations behind the socialist party’s involvement in the women’s suffrage movement.

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Q28.
According to the passage, most New York socialists believed which of the following about the cost-of-living movement?
A.    It was primarily a way to interest women in joining the socialist party.
B.    It was an expedient that was useful only insofar as it furthered other goals.
C.    It would indirectly result in an increase in the number of women who belonged to labor unions.
D.    It required a long-term commitment but inevitably represented a direct step toward socialism.
E.    It served as an effective complement to union organizing.


这篇文章做的好郁闷啊。题目看着觉得5个都不像。
请哪位大侠来分析一下。
谢谢

Boot

OA: B A A D

smnkt

LZ的OA错了吧？ GWD的 DCCB
我也很迷茫！ 感觉每道题都从原文里找不出答案！

heyu1gsm

比较了国外的几个论坛上的答案，应该是AAEB.
第一题：A, 定位原文中Underneath the Socialists’ brief commitment to cost-of-living organizing lay a basic indifference to the issue itself. brief commitment表示简短的，草率的，所以暗示了时间很短暂。
第二题：A.考察女性参与者的态度，定位原文中the boycotters, by sharp contrast, joined the price protest movement out of an urgent and deeply felt commitment to the cost-of-living issue. 所以她们仅是出于直接的的节省生活成本的动机，也就是经济动机。
第三题：E。主旨题，这篇文章主要分析了Socialist支持女性进行示威抗议的真实动机。A可能比较混淆，因为文章第二段简短地提了一下女性的动机和Socialist可能有所不同，但是我觉得主要还是在分析Socialist的动机。
第四题：B.定位原文，most Socialists ultimately sought to divert the cost-of-living movement into alternative channels of protest.这里的alternative ways正好和答案中的furthered other goals相呼应

geminist

比较了国外的几个论坛上的答案，应该是AAEB.
第一题：A, 定位原文中Underneath the Socialists’ brief commitment to cost-of-living organizing lay a basic indifference to the issue itself. brief commitment表示简短的，草率的，所以暗示了时间很短暂。
第二题：A.考察女性参与者的态度，定位原文中the boycotters, by sharp contrast, joined the price protest movement out of an urgent and deeply felt commitment to the cost-of-living issue. 所以她们仅是出于直接的的节省生活成本的动机，也就是经济动机。
第三题：E。主旨题，这篇文章主要分析了Socialist支持女性进行示威抗议的真实动机。A可能比较混淆，因为文章第二段简短地提了一下女性的动机和Socialist可能有所不同，但是我觉得主要还是在分析Socialist的动机。
第四题：B.定位原文，most Socialists ultimately sought to divert the cost-of-living movement into alternative channels of protest.这里的alternative ways正好和答案中的furthered other goals相呼应

-- by 会员 heyu1gsm (2010/1/5 1:13:55)

25、26、28同意，27认为应该是A。1. E说的是"To analyze the motivations behind the socialist party’s involvement in the women’s suffrage movement." suffrage movement是参政运动，而原文都是在说"cost of living"2. 原文“Although New York’s Socialists saw the cost-of-living issue as, at best, secondary or tertiary to the real task at hand, the boycotters, by sharp contrast, joined the price protest movement out of an urgent and deeply felt commitment to the cost-of-living issue. ” 突出了这里的对比意图。而且从这句话以后都在说妇女们真正想的是什么。所以文章的意图是在比较这两种动机。
综上，我坚决认为答案是AAAB

catling

同意是 AAEB

全文并不只是说明socilalist的动机，也花了相当大的篇幅介绍women参与的动机，感觉A比E更能概括全文

mindysu

我觉得原来dcce的答案没有错，就是选项很迷惑，有的需要一一排除
文章是说socialists和women在解决cost-of-living issue的观点不同，前者觉得boycut只是第一步，想进一步（union organization）推进socialism，后者只是想解决food cost issue。其实用主题就把25, 26, 28的正确项挑了出来。
下面说说我对27的看法。请大家指正。
Q27
Which of the following best states the function of the passage as a whole?
A.    To contrast the views held by the Socialist party and by the boycotting women of New York City on the cost-of-living issue （contrast views不对，其实socialist and women都是要解决cost-of-living issue的，这个问题上两者的意见没有分歧）
B.    To analyze the assumptions underlying opposing viewpoints within the New York socialist party of 1917 （是socialists vs women,不是党派内部矛盾）
C.    To provide a historical perspective on different approaches to the resolution of the cost-of-living issue. （正确，most socialists觉得union organizating从而socialism才是正解，而women是不带政治偏见的支持boycut）
D.    To chronicle the sequence of events that led to the New York Socialist party’s emergence as a political power
E.    To analyze the motivations behind the socialist party’s involvement in the women’s suffrage movement. (women suffrage只是二段尾来说明socialists阴险的长远打算中的一步，不是文章主旨)

karateguy

GWD的答案到底可信度有多少。。。权威性又有多少。。。。那位斑竹能出来解释一下啊。。。

熊熊加小怪

顶一下，，，，TN上面的答案是DCCB
瓦用排除法想的。。。。当时做的时候还是有点赶。。。