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 Q25 to 28    In mid-February 1917 a women’s movement independent  of political affiliation erupted in Line New York City, the stronghold of (5) the Socialist party in the United    states. Protesting against the high    cost of living, thousands of women    refused to buy chickens, fish, and    vegetables. The boycott shut. (10) down much of the City’s foodstuffs     marketing for two weeks, riveting     public attention on the issue of      food prices, which had increased     partly as a result of increased (15) exports of food to Europe that had     been occurring since the outbreak of the First World War.     By early 1917 the Socialist party had established itself as a (20) major political presence in New York                     City. New York Socialists, whose customary spheres of      struggle were electoral work and      trade union organizing, seized the (25) opportunity and quickly organized an extensive series of cost-of- living protests designed to direct the women’s movement toward Socialist goals. Underneath the (30) Socialists’ brief commitment to  cost-of-living organizing lay a basic indifference to the issue itself. While some Socialists did view price protests as a direct (35) step toward socialism, most Socialists ultimately sought to divert  the cost-of-living movement into alternative channels of protest. Union organizing, they argued, (40) was the best method through which to combat the high cost of living. For others, cost-of-living or oganiz- ing was valuable insofar as it led women into the struggle for suf- (45) frage, and similarly, the suffrage struggle was valuable insofar as it moved United States society one step closer to socialism.     Although New York’s Social- (50) ists saw the cost-of-living issue as, at best ,secondary or tertiary to the real task at hand, the boy- cotters, by sharp contrast, joined the price protest movement out of (55) an urgent and deeply felt commit- ment to the cost-of-living issue. A shared experience of swiftly declining living standards caused by rising food prices drove these (60) women to protest. Consumer     organizing spoke directly to their daily lives and concerns; they saw cheaper food as a valuable end in itself. Food price protests (65) were these women’s way of orga- nizing at their own workplace, as workers whose occupation was shopping and preparing food for their families. Q27 Which of the following best states the function of the passage as a whole? A. To contrast the views held by the Socialist party    and by the boycotting women of New York City    on the cost-of-living issue B. To analyze the assumptions underlying oppos-    ing viewpoints within the New York Socialist    party of 1917 C. To provide a historical perspective on different    approaches to the resolution of the cost-of-    living issue. D.     To chronicle the sequence of events that led to the New York Socialist party’s emergence    as a political power E. To analyze the motivations behind the Socialist    party’s involvement in the women’s suffrage    movement.                               Answer:C. Why not A? Many thanks! 
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