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JOURNALARTICLE "NoFreedom without the Women": Mobilization and Gender in South Africa,1970-1992 GayW. Seidman Signs Vol.18, No. 2 (Winter, 1993), pp. 291-320 Publishedby: The University ofChicago Press https://www.jstor.org/stable/3174977 PageCount: 30 SINCEAT LEAST the turn of the century, nationalist movements have regularly promised to improve thestatus of women: before taking power, they have pledged to end gender-based subordination. Just as regularly, however, most ofthese promises have gone unfulfilled. In general, although feminist activists haveoccasionally won some changes in women's legal status, basic householdstructures have remained intact, including men's control over women and propertyand elders' control over children. nationalist adjective 1. wantingyour country to become independent 2.(sometimes disapproving) loving your country very much and being very proud ofit; feeling that your country is better than any other subordination noun = [uncountable] (formal) subordination (ofsomebody/something) (to somebody/something) the act of treatingsomebody/something as less important than somebody/something else Whyis this pattern so frequent? Although each case differs, explanations generallyrevolve around a fear on the part of (mainly male) leaders that the attempt to changewomen's options could divide the "imagined community" on whichnationalist ideologies are built, creating conflicts among their supporters. Someauthors suggest that in anticolonial, or anti-Western, struggles, nationalist leadershave avoided explicit challenges to gender subordinationbecause they viewed the domestic arena as the source of an autonomous national identitythat must be protected (Chatterjee 1989; Tohidi 1991). In other cases, externalthreats may persuade nationalistleaders to emphasize preserving national unity instead of gender equality.In Mozambique, for example, the post-independence government backed away from gendersubordination in order to strengthen its popular base: "Women's concerns havebeen taken off the immediate agenda, and replaced by the concerns of the nationas a whole". explicit adjective= 1. (of a statement or piece of writing) clear and easy to understand, so thatyou have no doubt what is meant 2.(of a person) saying something clearly, exactly and openly SYNONYMfrank 3.(usually disapproving) describing or showing something, especially sexualactivity, with a lot of detail 第一段说以前的什么女权运动者帮女性争取什么权利，可是女性不喜欢还是什么的，什么 traditional role...说女性们更加注重实际的资源分配，类似于他们能不能有足够的资源来支持他们扮演好贤妻良母的角色（高亮了一个 P effort)。 Nationalist leaders, as sociologist JudithStacey points out, have regularly faced a conundrum:even when they sincerely hope to challenge the subordination of women, their effort to maintaina popular base requires them to respond tosupporters' demands, articulated primarily by men who generally have little immediateinterest in challenging gender subordination. These demands frequently involve thereconstruction of beleaguered peasant households,even when that means reconstructing gender inequality (Stacey 1983, esp.248-67). Women have often been active in nationalist movements but have rarely achievedvisible leadership roles, and, rather than challenge gender subordination, theyhave frequently stressed pragmaticefforts to give women access to the resources required for fulfilling traditionally defined domestic roles(Molyneux 1986). In Nicaragua and Zimbabwe as well as in China, reinforcing existinghousehold relations has meant women have generally remained in, or even returnedto, a subordinate position. conundrumnoun = 1. a confusing problem or question that is very difficult to solve 2.a question, usually involving a trick with words, that you ask for fun SYNONYMriddle beleaguered adjective= 1. (formal) experiencing a lot of criticism and difficulties 2.surrounded by an enemy peasantnoun = 1. (especially in the past, or in poorer countries) a farmer who owns orrents a small piece of land 2.(informal, disapproving) a person who is rude, behaves badly or has littleeducation SYNONYMlout subordinateadjective = 1. subordinate (to somebody) having less power or authoritythan somebody else in a group or an organization 2.subordinate (to something) less important than something else SYNONYMsecondary South Africa, however, may prove different.As it moves from a situation of white-minority rule to some kind of democracy inwhich the black majority is fully represented, a post-apartheidgovernment is likely to face demands articulated by an urban popular movement, nota movement based in the peasantry. In this article,I suggest that industrialization and urbanization have affected black men andwomen differently; new patterns of daily life have altered the context in whichpopular goals are elaborated. Changes in the organization of work and family, coupledwith changing forms of political organization, mean that a post-apartheid state is likely to face gender-specific demands,articulated by women who may not explicitly accept feminist labels but who may refuseto subsume questions of gender subordination under appeals to national unity. apartheid noun= [uncountable] the former political system in South Africa in which only whitepeople had full political rights and other people, especially black people,were forced to live away from white people, go to separate schools, etc. peasantrynoun = [singular + singular or plural verb] all the peasants in a region orcountry 第二段说了一个特例，是 unusual 且成功的，South African 的女人们的努力,1970 怎么怎么样,1980 怎么怎么样, 最后说的是 South African 的女人最卓越的贡献是在改善women's role 的 过程中做了strategicchange.（与其他的妇女运动有了质的不同，产生了改变。） AlthoughAfrican women have remained concentrated in less skilled, low-paid work, they have been integratedinto an industrial labor force and have an unusual degree of economic independence. South Africa'smigrant labor system has eroded the peasant economy almost beyond recognition; theconditions of social reproduction-the circumstances in which workers and their familiesive from day to day-have undermined the male-dominant household patterns that othernationalist movements have reinforced. During the 1980s, in the context of broad political mobilization,changes in women's labor force participation rates and in household patterns haveled black working women to question assumptions of domestic subordination. Especiallyin the labor movement and within community groups, there is clear evidence thatmany black women believe a post-apartheid state should respond to gender-specificconcerns. Women activists, often organized in semiautonomouswomen's groups and supported by the international spread of feminist ideasand assistance, have increasingly raised what Maxine Molyneux (1986) calls "strategic" gender issues,questioning gender inequality within political organizations, within workplaces,and even within the domestic arena (Molyneux 1986). Thisshift from "pragmatic"to "strategic"gender concerns is not unique to South Africanwomen's groups. Recent studies describe the way structural changes in Latin American households andwork, in the context of women's political mobilization, have prompted new attentionto gender inequalities (Alvarez 1990; Jelin1990; Chinchilla 1991). Similarly, inthe United States, changes in work and social reproduction—especially when womencould draw on organizational resources of their own—play a crucial role in explainingwhy women activists began to frame gendered demands on the state in terms of women's autonomy, ratherthan in terms of a family wage (Brenner and Laslett 1991). TheSouth African case is unusual,however, for the extent to which feminist demands are beginning to reshape the agendaof a broad nationalist movement. During the past decade, as South African womenhave increasingly engaged in political activity, they have inserted gender issuesinto debates around the transition to majority rule. Gender-specific demands articulatedby women who are already economically independent and who draw on their own organizationalresources may not be ignored as easily as the histories of other nationalist movementswould imply. Discussions of the popular movement in South Africa that ignore thedegree of black women's participation in both the labor movement and the nationaliststruggle generally overlook the extent to which class and nationalist consciousnesshave been shaped by a markedly gendered movement, in which women activists articulategender-specific demands and reject gender subordination. In South Africa, we have theopportunity to observe in a contemporary setting a process that feminist historiansclaim has been overlooked in historical discussions of the making of European andNorth American working classes: a gendered construction of what it means to bea worker and citizen, and a gendered understanding of what working-class and politicalorganizations should demand (Scott 1988, esp. 53-67). 南非女权 【本月】 【V1】 by zyslovelx ⚫ 第一段：传统女权还有怎么争取。 ⚫ 第二段：说南非女权因为有去做比较高阶的工作和赚比较多的钱。 【考古】 【V1】 ⚫ 很多国家的 national leader 在做 efforts 不得不回应 demands from men who has little interest inchange women's roles. 而且很多 womenare active in movements. 但是 women 不得不屈服于很多 pragmatic stress 来要求更多的 resource in order to fulfill women'straditional roles(这部分有题,问那个 pragmatic stress 可以怎么解释, 个人选的是女人们虽然去参加抗议活动等等, 但是还是为了要求给她们的husband 更高的工资让她们能给自己的孩子更多的resources) ⚫ 第二段重点说了 South African 的女人们的努力, 1970 怎么怎么样, 1980 怎么怎么样, 最后好像说的是 SouthAfrican 的女人最卓越的贡献是做了strategic change 在改善 women's role 的过程中.
【V2】 by cher72001 ⚫ 还有 jj 里妇女权益那篇。这篇结构很清晰。我在 V1 的基础上，我看到的是：很多国家的 feminist leader 在做 effort 总是考虑 demands from men who haslittle interest in change women's roles.她们运动的方式往往是：以尽自己的作为女人义务为理由，更争取更多资源。 （women 不得不屈服于很多pragmatic stress 来要求更多的resourcein order to fulfill women's traditional roles） ⚫ 第二段说了一个特例，是 unusual 且成功的，South African 的女人们的努力, 1970 怎么怎么样,1980 怎么怎么样, 最后说的是 South African 的女人最卓越的贡献是在改善 women's role 的 过程中做了strategicchange.（与其他的妇女运动有了质的不同，产生了改变。） 【V3】 by liuxuan8821 ⚫ P1 说政治家想帮助妇女改变从属地位但是出于利益考虑还是要被迫优先毫不关心妇女权益的男人的利益（有题），但妇女们并不忙于争取经济政治利益，而是通过争取资源对她们和家庭成员的分配来维持自己传统的家庭角色 ⚫ P2 举例说一个非洲妇女争取权利的例子反其道而行之，通过劳动组织争取各种经济政治利益。 【V4】 by cecyle ⚫ 阅读好像有一篇妇女运动的，我当时在 JJ 里没有看到，不知道现在有没有。大概讲的是妇女运动不是直接指向gender 的，而是抓住男人们不太喜欢的一些“话题“来组织运动，这里有考题。好像有两道呢。 ⚫ 第二段举了一个地方的妇女运动的例子，很成功，与众不同，貌似考题主要集中在第一段。（阅读不太好，只能回忆这么多了，不好意思哈~~~） 【V5】 by zhangpuyu1990(V 31) ⚫ P1 全球的妇女一般采取一种 pragmatic way 来伸张她们的权益，举了一个例子，说这些 activists 为了获得支持，经常举行受益者是那些与妇女权益没什么关系的男人的活动，这里有题，忘了。
⚫ P2 举了非洲女人的一个范例，具体地说了一下她们没有用 pragmatic way 而是一个strategic way 来争取权益。有问文章主旨。 【V6】 ⚫ 那个非洲妇女的，第一篇，很短，可是好多生词，拗口 ⚫ 第一段说以前的什么女权运动者帮女性争取什么权利，可是女性不喜欢还是什么的，什么 traditional role...说女性们更加注重实际的资源分配，类似于他们能不能有足够的资源来支持他们扮演好贤妻良母的角色（高亮了一个 Peffort)。 ⚫ 第二段说那个 p effort 其实又有转变，以非洲妇女为离子扯了一大堆，我也没看懂，最后说妇女们又由 p effort转变成了什么strategic 什么。。。。 ⚫ 后面看懂的nn改正我吧。。。大家表被我误导。。。。 【V7】 ⚫ 关于什么什么nationalist 搞女权主义的 ⚫ 第一段说 nationalist 搞女权主义的因为限于需要得到占社会主要阶层的男人的支持，他们的女权主义不能是一种翻天覆地来改变女人subordination的地位，因此只能是一种articulate respond to the 男人阶层，而不是反应女人的翻身要求。正因为如此，他们的女权运动只能是pragmatic的，在不触及男人权力（因为能支持这些nationalist的当权男人no interest to 提高女人地位）下给仍然从事家务工作的女人带来些实际好处（此处有题目）。 ⚫ 第二段举了一个南非的例子，好像是说当地的女权运动和反对种族隔离制度同时兴起，相辅相成，所以nationalist 有更多的空间去提高女人的地位（和第一段的nationalist比起来）。然后还说这种情况好像不只在南非有。 ⚫ 题目： ➢ 以下那一个例子反映了nationalist着重给妇女带来pragmatic的利益而不是改变她们地位的？我选了第一个选项： A) Nationalist们提高会要求提高男人们的工资，这样这些男人的在家工作的老婆（她们无生活来源，全靠老公） 就有更多钱去给她们的小孩子买奶粉。
➢ 2） 此篇文章想说的主要问题是什么 我选了以下这个选项，说明了为什么南非的nationalist 可以不同于其他的nationalist提高女人的地位，而不只是带给她们pragmatic的好处
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