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Passage 30 原文如下：
PASSAGE 30
*Since the early 1970's, historians have begun to devote serious attention to the working class in the United States. Yet while we now have studies of working-class communities and culture, we know
5) remarkably little of worklessness. When historians have paid any attention at all to unemployment, they have focused on the Great Depression of the 1930's. The narrowness of this perspective ignores the pervasive recessions and joblessness of the previous decades, as
10) Alexander Keyssar shows in his recent book. Examining the period 1870-1920, Keyssar concentrates on Massa- chusetts, where the historical materials are particularly rich, and the findings applicable to other industrial areas.
*
15 ) The unemployment rates that Keyssar calculates appear to be relatively modest, at least by Great Depres- sion standards: during the worst years, in the 1870's and 1890's, unemployment was around 15 percent. Yet Keyssar rightly understands that a better way to
20) measure the impact of unemployment is to calculate unemployment frequencies—measuring the percentage of workers who experience any unemployment in the course of a year. Given this perspective, joblessness looms much larger.
*
25) Keyssar also scrutinizes unemployment patterns according to skill level, ethnicity, race, age, class, and gender. He finds that rates of joblessness differed primarily according to class: those in middle-class and white-collar occupations were far less likely to be unem-
30) ployed. Yet the impact of unemployment on a specific class was not always the same. Even when dependent onthe same trade, adjoining communities could have dramatically different unemployment rates. Keyssar uses these differential rates to help explain a phenomenon
35) that has puzzled historians—the startlingly high rate of geographical mobility in the nineteenth-century United States. But mobility was not the dominant working-class strategy for coping with unemployment, nor was assis- tance from private charities or state agencies. Self-help
40) and the help of kin got most workers through jobless spells.
* While Keyssar might have spent more time develop- ing the implications of his findings on joblessness for contemporary public policy, his study, in its thorough
45) research and creative use of quantitative and qualitative evidence, is a model of historical analysis.
6. According to the passage, Keyssar considers which of thefollowing to be among the important predictors of thelikelihood that a particular person would be unemployed inlate nineteenth-century Massachusetts?Ⅰ. The person's classⅡ. Where the person lived or workedⅢ. The person's age
(A) Ⅰonly
(B) Ⅱonly
(C) Ⅰand Ⅱ only
(D) Ⅰand Ⅲ only
(E) Ⅰ,Ⅱ, and Ⅲ
我选的是 (D) 根据的定位是文中红色的标记处。我觉得II中的Where the person lived or worked在文中并没有体现出来啊！
还有第8题
8. Which of the following, if true, would most stronglysupport Keyssar's findings as they are described by theauthor?
(A) Boston, Massachusetts, and Quincy, Massachusetts,adjoining communities, had a higher rate ofunemployment for working-class people in 1870than in 1890.
(B) White-collar professionals such as attorneys had asmuch trouble as day laborers in maintaining a steadylevel of employment throughout the period 1870-1920.
(C) Working-class women living in Cambridge,Massachusetts, were more likely than working-classmen living in Cambridge to be unemployed for someperiod of time during the year 187
(D) In the 1890's, shoe-factory workers moved away inlarge numbers from Chelmsford, Massachusetts,where shoe factories were being replaced by otherindustries, to adjoining West Chelmsford, where theshoe industry flourished.
(E) In the late nineteenth century, workers of all classesin Massachusetts were more likely than workers of allclasses in other states to move their place ofresidence from one location to another within thestate.
我选的是(C) ，根据的也是文中划红线的地方，因为有提到gender的问题，可是为什么答案是D呢？
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发表于 2005-7-15 16:43:00
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