原谅LZ真的是数学渣渣 做Q的时候真的是用尽脑汁了... 现在一题都想不起来了 遇到极少JJ
IR 用电量跟用**(天然气还是啥)的折线图 选第一季度跟 less 30 (很肯定)
CR (原题)Lyme disease is caused by a bacterium transmitted tohumans by deer ticks. Generally deer ticks pick up the bacterium while in thelarval stage from feeding on infected white-footed mice. However, certain otherspecies on which the larvae feed do not harbor the bacterium. Therefore, if thepopulation of these other species were increased, the number of ticks acquiringthe bacterium and hence the number of people contracting Lyme disease wouldlikely decline. C Which of the following, if true, moststrengthens the argument? (A) Ticks do not suffer any adverseconsequences from carrying the bacterium that causes Lyme disease in humans. (B) There are no known cases of a human’scontracting Lyme disease through contact with white-footed mice. (C) A deer tick feeds only once while inthe larval stage. (D) A single host animal can be the sourceof bacterium for many tick larvae. (E) None of the other species on which deertick larvae feed harbor other bacteria that ticks transmit to humans
Songbird P1:背景介绍。 Songbird 同其他两种鸟具有后天学习能力。 1.一个叫Jarvis 的人研究Songbird 与其他两种鸟(parrot，hummingbird)，mammal,human,还有海洋哺乳动物都是vocallearner 后天学习声音，它们的叫声都是有意义的，跟人类的语言一样，它们的幼崽模仿他们的叫声，来学习。而其他的动物则只能发出programming 的声音，是遗传的2.实验：如果将后天学声音的这些鸟放入其他种的窝里，它会纠正之前"wrong"的发音，如果被isolate，它的发音就会odd P2:研究+两种假设（有个例子） 1.研究发现这些鸟的大脑中同时存在一套7 个区域来控制学习发声。实验人员推测鸟的发声的时候大脑有三个区域是活跃的，但是这三个区域又是互相独立的，于是有个牛的人就说这三个区域都是和语言有关的，很多动物包括人都是这种情况。 2.有研究结果提出两种解释： 一种解释是（这点是Jarvis 认为的）他们来源于同一个祖先，然后分别进化出飞行的技能，但是这个可能性很令人惊讶，”因为这意味着……存在大批的灭绝”（记不清了，反正引号内高亮，意思很晦涩）我想的是假设这个祖先的后代都是学习发声，那么现在应该有很多学习发声的鸟，为什么只有三种，因为其他的都灭绝了，而这是不太可能的（有题）另一种解释说他们是是从远古就independently 进化过来的，只是进化过程中，一部分器官因为有相同的作用，所以最终比较相似。举例就是蝙蝠和鸟的飞行结构。鸟与蝙蝠明明相距甚远，却发展出如此相近的翅膀。（有题）我选了一个analogy 什么的。 P3：证明P2 中independent 发展的假设2。 1.further evidence prove 第二种解释是对的。发现当人说话时会触发一些与鸟类似的声控系统，而那些语言功能有障碍的人往往无法启动这些系统。 2.科学家又他妈总结动物们的确是独立发展的声控系统，但是所有Vertebrate 脊椎动物可能继承同一祖先的大脑功能系统,然后各自又形成了各自的vocal 声音功能。至此，Jarvis 也believe 这个解释了。有题哪句话被Jarvis question，应该就是选第一个解释原话。
法国女裁缝 (很相似的背景资料)
In particular, the late-seventeenth-centuryintroduction of a new style of dress called the manteau or mantua, and itsincreasing popularity, offered female seamstresses a "wedge” to loosen thetailors’ monopoly over the production of more formal, elite, and expensivewomen's fashions. This new product and more generally the exploding market forclothing, in particular women's clothing, provided seamstresses with the incomeand market niche from which to expand their numbers and to organize politicallywithin the previously male-dominated trade. Furthermore, they could generallyrely on the French state, with its agenda of economic development, to aid inthis expansion and organization. In contrast with much of the prevailinghistoriography, Crowston demonstrates that when it was in the interest of theFrench state, authorities were happy to work with and encourage women workersas autonomous producers and not merely as family appendages to guildpatriarchs. Crowston thus reinforces Hesse's claim that market expansionbrought new opportunities for some women, but she locates these expandingopportunities in the political economy of the late Ancient Regime, rather thanin the Revolution's overthrow of it.
In Crowston's history, the seamstresses ofAncient Regime France emerge as relatively powerful and autonomous figureswhose work, civic, and gender identities drew upon many sources, but wereinstitutionalized in important ways because of the existence and practices oftheir guild. The destruction of the guild system during the Revolution thusrepresents a critical moment in the history of women's work and genderrelations—from the perspective of women working in the garment trades, the"freeing" of the market from political constraints brought a largelynegative transformation. A closer look at each of these works helps to revealthe origins of the tensions between these two interpretations.
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发表于 2015-1-22 19:32:45
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