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[考古] 完美匹配14世纪英国(landlord和tenant)考古的元稳,我已经总结好了,大家配合中文考古看就行~

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楼主
发表于 2011-6-11 23:37:31 | 只看该作者 回帖奖励 |正序浏览 |阅读模式
Any analysis of why the early fourteenth-century agrarian economy was so predisposed to 'crisis' necessarily requires careful consideration of class and property relations on the land, for, as Robert Brenner and S. H. Rigby have both emphasized, these could be of decisive importance.7At that time landlords exercised feudal rights of lordship over their tenants, many of whom were of servile status and therefore legally subordinate to their lords. This power relationship shaped the tenurial relationship between those who owned the land and those who occupied and worked it. Thus it was tenure, as regulated by landlords, that determined the supply of holdings and the form and level of rents that were charged. Until recently it was widely believedthat feudal tenurial relationships sanctioned and facilitated the extra-economic exploitation of tenants by their lords. Together, the heaviness of rent charges and the arbitrariness of lordship discouraged and depressed tenant investment in agriculture.8Meanwhile, lords were more interested in pursuing a feudal lifestyle of conspicuous consumption than in enhancing the productivity and profitability of their estates.9The upshot, it has been claimed, was a vicious circle of underinvestment, static technology, and low and declining agricultural productivity.10

Such pessimistic views of lords and their relations with their tenants have long exercised a compelling appeal.15 Nevertheless, they have become increasingly difficult to reconcile with a growing body of historical evidence. The preoccupation with serfdom overlooks the numerous free tenants who were exempt from the most coercive aspects of lordship.16Free tenants mostly paid fixed and low rents and their property rights enjoyed the protection of the royal courts。The more substantial customary tenants were, in fact, relatively well off 。 Many of these tenants certainly paid a proportion of their rent in labour, but historians, probably because of a modern abhorrence of the institution of forced labour, have exaggerated its economic significance. In reality, only a minority of tenants actually performed labour services, and the aggregate value of rents in cash far exceeded that of rents in kind.21 Notwithstanding the much-vaunted powers of lordship, tenants had long been remarkably effective at opposing efforts by lords to raise rents and increase labour services in line with rising land values and commodity prices.22They did so by countering seigniorial power with custom and denying that, as tenants, they were obliged to pay their lords anything more than a de facto ground rent for the land. Tenant right, in fact, often proved more powerful than landlord right.

As this article argues, the fact that so many tenants were in such conspicuous economic difficulties by the early fourteenth century had less to do with feudal lordship per se and the supposed oppressions and inequalities of serfdom, than with the contradictions and inefficiencies inherent in the coexistence of customary, contractual and commercial relationships. Herein lay the real source of the agrarian problem in the early fourteenth century. In so far as lords were the inadvertent agents of this adverse state of affairs, it was because their dealings with their tenants were typically more compliant than coercive. By yielding to tenant demands for access to land on terms that were so favourable to the tenants, lords created the preconditions for the subdivision and subletting that stoked population growth and thereby engendered the rural congestion that was the source of so much under- and unemployment, with all the negative consequences that this implies for labour productivity, living standards and purchasing power. This deteriorating situation in the countryside acted as a brake upon the continued growth of the economy and, from 1315,
left increasing numbers ever more cruelly exposed to the heightened risk of environmental hazard

原来的文章非常长,这是我总结出来的,基本上完美匹配考古,我相信这就是原来那篇文章,顶多在细节的遣词造句上有些不同,大家可以对应楼下bale的中文考古对照着看,我认为基本上涵盖了所有中心思想和内容,大家要是还不放心可以在下面的网址自己去看~

攒RP啊,攒RP!!!六月的XDJM都要加油~!






http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/past_and_present/v188/188.1campbell.html
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36#
 楼主| 发表于 2011-6-15 03:54:31 | 只看该作者
我在NY,manhattan考~
35#
发表于 2011-6-15 03:40:35 | 只看该作者
lz你在哪个state考啊?
34#
 楼主| 发表于 2011-6-15 03:37:45 | 只看该作者
哈哈谢谢你也祝你好运~
:)
33#
发表于 2011-6-15 03:33:51 | 只看该作者
哈哈,祝lz好运
32#
 楼主| 发表于 2011-6-15 03:29:56 | 只看该作者
这位同学我还没考呢~不知道题目哈..也不知道具体答案选什么..
31#
发表于 2011-6-15 03:20:48 | 只看该作者
楼主,我知道地主使用了subdivision and subletting,还是不太懂具体地主用了什么措施让tenant最后是 so much under- and unemployment, with all the negative consequences that this implies for labour productivity, living standards and purchasing power.


还有,关于landlord赋予free tenant对土地的权利,作者同意哪个,怎么选的E啊?感觉文章一点都没提到


还有翻译的好像不太对,应该是造成人口过多,拥挤,而不是遏制了人口

lords created the preconditions for the subdivision and subletting that stoked population growth and thereby engendered the rural congestion that was the source of so much under- and unemployment, with all the negative consequences that this implies for labour productivity, living standards and purchasing power.
30#
 楼主| 发表于 2011-6-14 23:36:51 | 只看该作者
加油等你的好消息~
29#
发表于 2011-6-14 23:26:44 | 只看该作者
楼主,我真是太感谢你了!明天上午考,等我的好消息!
28#
发表于 2011-6-14 10:23:58 | 只看该作者
楼主威武!!!!
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