大全25-2

In 1977 the
prestigious Ewha Women’s University in Seoul, Korea, announced the opening of the first
women’s studies program in Asia. Few academic
programs have ever received such public attention. In broadcast debates,
critics dismissed the program as a betrayal of national identity, an imitation
of Western ideas, and a distraction from the real task of national unification
and economic development. Even supporters underestimated the program; they
thought it would be merely another of the many Western ideas that had already
proved useful in Asian culture, akin to airlines, electricity, and the assembly
line. The founders of the program, however, realized that neither view was
correct. They had some reservations about the applicability of Western feminist
theories to the role of women in Asia and felt
that such theories should be closely examined. Their approach has thus far (thus far:
迄今) yielded important critiques of Western theory, informed by the
special experience of Asian women.

For instance, like
the Western feminist critique of the Freudian model of the human psyche, the
Korean critique finds Freudian theory culture-bound, but in ways different from
those cited by Western theorists. The Korean theorists claim that Freudian
theory assumes the universality of the Western nuclear, male-headed family and
focuses on the personality formation of the individual, independent of (independent of: 不依赖...,独立于....)
society. An analysis based on such assumptions could be valid for a highly
competitive, individualistic society. In the Freudian family drama (a state,
situation, or series of events involving interesting or intense conflict of
forces), family members are assumed to be engaged in a Darwinian
struggle against each other—father against son and sibling against sibling.
Such a concept projects the competitive model of Western society onto human
personalities. But in the Asian concept of personality there is no ideal attached
to individualism or to the independent self. The Western model of personality
development does not explain major characteristics of the Korean personality,
which is social and group-centered. The “self” is a social being defined by and
acting in a group, and the well-being of both men and women is determined by
the equilibrium of the group, not by individual self-assertion (1: the act of asserting oneself or one's
own rights, claims, or opinions 2: the act of asserting one's superiority over
others). The ideal is one of interdependency.

In such a context,
what is recognized as “dependency” in Western psychiatric terms is not, in
Korean terms, an admission of weakness or failure. All this bears directly on
the Asian perception of men’s and women’s psychology because men are also “dependent.”
In Korean culture, men cry and otherwise easily show their emotions, something
that might be considered a betrayal of masculinity in Western culture. In the
kinship-based society of Korea, four generations may live in the same house,
which means that people can be sons and daughters all their lives, whereas in
Western culture, the roles of husband and son, wife and daughter, are often
incompatible.

2.     It
can be inferred from the passage that Korean scholars in the field of women’s
studies undertook an analysis of Freudian theory as a response to which of the
following?

(A) Attacks by
critics of the Ewha women’s studies program

(B) The
superficiality of earlier critiques of Freudian theory

(C) The
popularity of Freud in Korean psychiatric circles

(D) Their
desire to encourage Korean scholars to adopt the Freudian model（E）

(E) Their assessment
of the relevance and limitations of Western feminist theory with respect to
Korean culture