In 1977 the prestigious Ewha Women’s University in Seoul, Korea, announced the opening of the first women’s studies program in Asia. Few academic programs have ever received such public attention. In (5) broadcast debates, critics dismissed the program as a betrayal of national identity, an imitation of Western ideas, and a distraction from the real task of national unification and economic development. Even supporters underestimated the program ; they thought it would be (10) merely another of the many Western ideas that had already proved useful in Asian culture, akin to airlines, electricity, and the assembly line. The founders of the program, however, realized that neither view was correct. They had some reservations about the appli- (15) cability of Western feminist theories to the role of women in Asia and felt that such theories should be closely examined. Their approach has thus far yielded important critiques of Western theory, informed by the special experience of Asian women. (20) For instance, like the Western feminist critique of the Freudian model of the human psyche, the Korean critique finds Freudian theory culture-bound, but in ways different from those cited by Western theorists. The Korean theorists claim that Freudian theory (25) assumes the universality of the Western nuclear, male- headed family and focuses on the personality formation of the individual, independent of society, An analysis based on such assumptions could be valid for a highly competitive, individualistic society. In the Freudian (30) family drama, family members are assumed to be engaged in a Darwinian struggle against each other— father against son and sibling against sibling. Such a concept of projects the competitive model of Western society onto human personalities. But in the Asian (35) concept of personality there is no ideal attached to indi vidualism or to the independent self. The Western model of personality development does not explain major char- acteristics of the Korean personality, which is social and group-centered. The “self” is a social being defined by (40) and acting in a group, and the well-being of both men and women is determined by the equilibrium of the group, not by individual self-assertion. The ideal is one of interdependency. In such a context, what is recognized as “depen- (45) dency” in Western psychiatric terms is not, in Korean terms, an admission of weakness or failure. All this bears directly on the Asian perception of men’s and women’s psychology because men are also “ dependent”, In Korean culture, men cry and otherwise easily show their (50) emotions, something that might be considered a betrayal of masculinity in Western culture. In the kinship-based society of Korea, four generations may live in the same house, which means that people can be sons and daugh- ters all their lives, whereas in Western culture, the roles of husband and son, wife and daughter, are often incom- patible. 7,Which of the following statements about the Western feminist critique of Freudian theory can be supported by information contained in the passage? A. It recognizes the influence of Western culture on Feudian theory. B. It was writen after 1977. C. It acknowledges the universility of the nulear, male-headed family. D.It challenges Freud's analysis of the role of daughters in Western society. E. It fails to address the issue of competitiveness in Western society. 不知道从那能看出来the influence of western culture on F theoty? 根据应该在这吧,?可是分析不出来 For instance, like the Western feminist critique of the Freudian model of the human psyche, the Korean critique finds Freudian theory culture-bound, but in ways different from those cited by Western theorists. The Korean theorists claim that Freudian theory (25) assumes the universality of the Western nuclear, male- headed family and focuses on the personality formation of the individual, independent of society, An analysis based on such assumptions could be valid for a highly competitive, individualistic society. 我选的C ![](/static/legacy-emoticon/Dvbbs/em09.gif) |