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Acting on the recommendation ofa British government committee investigating the high incidence in white leadfactories of illness among employees, most of who were women, the HomeSecretary proposed in 1895 that Parliament enact legislation that would prohibitwomen from holding most jobs in white lead factories. Although the Women'sIndustrial Defense Committee (WIDC), formed in 1892 in response to earlierlegislative attempts to restrict women's labor, did not discount the white leadtrade's potential health dangers, it opposed the proposal, viewing it as yetanother instance of limiting women's work opportunities. Also opposing theproposal was the Society for Promoting the Employment of Women (SPEW), whichattempted to challenge it by investigating the causes of illness in whitelead factories. SPEW contended, and WIDC concurred, that controllableconditions in such factories were responsible for the development of leadpoisoning. SPEW provided convincing evidence that lead poisoning could beavoided if workers were careful and clean and if already extant workplacesafety regulations were stringently enforced. However, the Women's Trade UnionLeague (WTUL), which had ceased in the late 1880s to oppose restrictions onwomen's labor, supported the eventually enacted proposal, in part becausesafety regulations were generally not being enforced in white lead factories,where there were no unions (and little prospect of any) to pressure employersto comply with safety regulations.
84. The passage suggests that WIDC differed from WTUL in which of the followingways?
(A) WIDC believed that the existing safety regulations were adequate to protectwomen's health, whereas WTUL believed that such regulations needed to bestrengthened. (B) WI DC believed that unions could not succeed in pressuring employers tocomply with such regulations, whereas WTUL believed that unions could succeedin doing so. (C) WIDC believed that lead poisoning in white lead factories could be avoidedby controlling conditions there, whereas WTUL believed that lead poisoning insuch factories could not be avoided no matter how stringently safetyregulations were enforced. (D) At the time that the legislation concerning white lead factories wasproposed, WIDC was primarily concerned with addressing health conditions inwhite lead factories, whereas WTUL was concerned with improving workingconditions in all types of factories. (E) At the time that WIDC was opposing legislative attempts to restrict women'slabor, WTUL had already ceased to do so.
85. Which of the following, if true, would most clearly support the contentionattributed to SPEW in lines 17-20(bold)?
(A) Those white lead factories that most strongly enforced regulationsconcerning worker safety and hygiene had the lowest incidences of leadpoisoning among employees. (B) The incidence of lead poisoning was much higher among women who worked inwhite lead factories than among women who worked in other types of factories. (C) There were many household sources of lead that could have contributed tothe incidence of lead poisoning among women who also worked outside the home inthe late nineteenth century. (D) White lead factories were more stringent than were certain other types offactories in their enforcement of workplace safety regulations. (E) Even brief exposure to the conditions typically found in white leadfactories could cause lead poisoning among factory workers.
86. The passage is primarily concerned with
(A) presenting various groups' views of the motives of those proposing certainlegislation (B) contrasting the reasoning of various groups concerning their positions oncertain proposed legislation (C) tracing the process whereby certain proposed legislation was eventuallyenacted (D) assessing the success of tactics adopted by various groups with respect tocertain proposed legislation (E) evaluating the arguments of various groups concerning certain proposedlegislation |
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