【每日阅读训练第四期——速度越障16系列】【16-13】经管

风随心动01

新人来了~今天开始由我代替attractg发周三的经管。如果大家对帖子有任何意见和建议，请及时提出哦~
[Speed]
Article 1 (Check the title later)
The Economist explains: Who are the Jesuits, exactly?


[Time 1]
THE election of Pope Francis on March 13th was surprising for several reasons. He is the first pope from South America, making him the first non-European since the 8th century. He is also the only pope to take the name Francis—evoking the humility of St Francis of Assisi, a 12th century Italian monk. Most surprising of all, he is the only member of the Society of Jesus, a religious order dating from the 16th century, to become a pope. But just who are the Jesuits, exactly?

Within the Roman Catholic church, there are two types of priests: the secular clergy and those who are part of religious orders. The first group are known as diocesan priests, and will often (though not always) be attached to a parish and are accountable to a local bishop. They train at a seminary, a theological college, and do not take vows of poverty or seclude themselves from the outside world. In many ways they are the public face of the Catholic church. Religious orders, by contrast, have more autonomy from the central church. They are not under the jurisdiction of a bishop (who in turn has been appointed by the pope) and can live completely excluded from secular society, depending on the order they belong to. Monks—such as the Dominicans, Benedictines, Cistercians, Trappists and Franciscans—live within their orders, in monasteries, though often will be connected to educational institutions. In Britain alone the Benedictines teach at Ampleforth College, a public school in north England, while the Dominicans run Blackfriars Hall, an Oxford college.
[261words]

[Time 2]
The Society of Jesus is another such religious order. Set up by Ignatius Loyola, a Spanish former soldier, in 1540, there are now over 12,000 Jesuit priests, and the society is one of the largest groups in the Roman Catholic church. Known as the "soldiers of Christ" after the military bearing of their founder (who discovered his vocation, it is claimed, after reading a book on the lives of the saints in a hospital when recovering from war wounds) the order emphasises education, particularly their belief in the importance of learning languages, and the need for missionary evangelism in the life of a priest. They work in churches within cities and towns or run schools and colleges. Unlike diocesan priests, who can complete their studies in four or five years, Jesuits train for 12 years and only become ordained when they are in their thirties. Associated with the more liberal aspects of catholicism, they tend not to conduct mass in Latin. On becoming a Jesuit, they also vow never to take ecclesiastical office, such as a bishopric, unless ordered to by the pope.

This last vow is one of the reasons why Pope Francis's election was particularly surprising. According to Brendan Callaghan, the master of Campion Hall, a Jesuit college in Oxford, many Jesuits thought they would never see one of their own in papal office, even if some, such as Pope Francis, had become archbishops. Accustomed to being slightly on the margins of church hierarchy, the Jesuits are marked out by a questioning and occasionally defiant attitude towards the central office of the church. Putting such a potential outsider at the head of an institution mired by difficulties and facing a declining membership is a bold move. It already signals the changes to come.
[295 words]

Article 2 (Check the title later)
Capital controls will put the euro at risk
The currency in Nicosia will no longer be worth the same as it is in any other country, says Guntram Wolff.

[Time 3]
Cypriot lawmakers have passed a bill that paves the way for capital controls. The legislation allows Cyprus’s government to introduce limits on transfers of bank deposits and cash withdrawals. It gives considerable discretionary powers to the state. Neither the European Central Bank nor the European Commission prevented the move. Both deemed it necessary to avoid uncontrolled outflows during the renegotiation of the island’s bailout deal. But the eurozone has now embarked on a process that endangers both the currency area and the single market.

The most important characteristic of a monetary union is the ability to move money – without any restrictions – from one bank to another in the currency area. With capital restrictions, the value of a euro in Cyprus is no longer worth the same as a euro held by any other bank in the eurozone. A euro in Nicosia cannot be used to buy goods in Frankfurt without limits. Effectively, it means that a Cypriot euro is not a euro any more.

The “bail-in” of depositors at the Bank of Cyprus, which was agreed on Monday as part of the rescue package for the island, will impose heavy losses on deposits above €100,000. This is an improvement on the generalised tax that was rejected last week by the Cypriot parliament, which would have punished even insured depositors and depositors in solvent banks.
[224 words]

[Time 4]
Nevertheless, the problem of capital controls remains. Capital controls introduce the possibility for governments, both in Cyprus and perhaps in future bailed out countries, to decide whether a euro can move or not. This undermines the single monetary system and therefore the unity of the eurozone.

The eurogroup, the group of eurozone finance ministers, is well aware of the dangers of the road it has chosen. It has said that the “administrative measures” should be temporary, proportionate, and non-discriminatory. It remains to be seen what exactly is meant by these three adjectives but they seem to point in the right direction.

For example, I hope that “non-discriminatory” means that no distinction will be made between a transfer between two banks in Cyprus and a transfer between two banks in two different eurozone countries. Ideally, “proportionate” means that the administrative measures will only be applied to banks that are troubled – not all of them. “Temporary” should mean a period of a few days. But the capital controls in Iceland, introduced in 2008, are still in place. They ought to serve as a reminder that even temporary capital controls can be hard to get rid of.

What will happen now? There is a significant risk of bank runs. The eurogroup – eventually – took the right decision to protect deposits of less than €100,000. This should somewhat limit any rush for the exits for most savers. Yet, given the structure of the proposed deposit bail-in, a big number of large deposits in Cyprus are likely to be withdrawn immediately. Whether savers with smaller protected sums follow their lead will depend on the credibility of the eurozone response.
[273 words]

[Time 5]
So what should policy makers do? Well, as it happens, the eurozone has clearly established rules for this kind of problem. It should follow them. The ECB is required to provide liquidity to any bank deemed solvent by its supervisor against appropriate collateral. The eurozone should provide liquidity to replace all outflowing deposits – so long as good collateral is available.

In a world of perfect information, where solvency assessments were instant and accurate, the central bank’s liquidity facility could take the place of the deposits. A solvent bank, then, could continue to operate normally. Perfect, fast valuations are not possible, but the central bank must nonetheless do its best to act as liquidity provider.

Furthermore, in these exceptional circumstances, the ECB must be ready to take on more risk than usual, by lowering its collateral standards. Doing so would send a powerful signal to markets and all other member states that there are no implicit limits to the eurozone payments system.

At some stage, however, the ECB may become queasy about the deteriorating quality of the posted collateral. If that moment comes, and banks still need help, new bailout funds may become necessary. With this solution, Europe would demonstrate its resolve to preserve the euro. The imposition of capital controls, however, risks sending a fatal signal to the markets that could very well trigger future bank runs elsewhere.
[228 words]
Source:
http://www.bruegel.org/nc/blog/detail/article/1060-capital-controls-will-put-the-euro-at-risk/#.UVK6xRxkOSo

风随心动01

[Obstacle]

Article 3(Check the title later)
Would the New York Times Christine Quinn Profile Have Been Different If She Were a Man?


In The New York Times' telling, Christine Quinn, the City Council speaker and mayoral hopeful who happens to be openly gay, is "temperamental and surprisingly volatile." The piece, written by Michael Grynbaum and David Chen, has people talking not just because it includes more tweet-worthy quotations from the mouth of Speaker Quinn than have appeared in any Times article in recent remembrance, but also because Quinn is a woman. The story reveals the ups and downs of her personality, at times brash and vulgar; at times charming and sweet. She's loud and makes threats and retaliates against her enemies. She sounds exactly like ... a politician.

One can read the piece in a couple of ways, I think. One is that there's an undercurrent of surprise working with regard to Quinn's persona because of her gender, i.e., could a woman really be this rude and lacking in gentility? Or, is she simply being painted as more so against the expectations of her as a woman? That has some, such as BuzzFeed's Rosie Gray, saying that the story itself is the problem: "This story would never have been written if Christine Quinn was a man," she tweeted. But one could also see this piece, a no-holds-barred look into the personality of a complicated, striving (female) politician who's not going to make excuses for who she is, as a positive move from the Times. Hey, female politicians may be just as aggressive and irascible as their male counterparts. So what?

Should we even respect Quinn more for being as vocal and brash and unafraid to say what she means as, say, Rudy Giuliani or Rahm Emanuel? Jezebel founder and columnist Anna Holmes tweeted soon after the story went up, "Not sure I agree that this Quinn story is sexist. (My initial reaction was respect with mild amusement.)" Author Roxane Gay replied, "I don't find it sexist. I've seen similar stories about men."  

So let's take a look at a few of the notable lines:

"Ms. Quinn summoned Ms. Gotbaum to an office nearby and, with little warning, began shouting at her in increasingly angry tones about appearing weak in front of other lawmakers. 'You were like Bambi in there!' Ms. Quinn exclaimed, slamming her hand on a table for emphasis, according to Ms. Gotbaum, who was on crutches at the time." [Note: Bambi was a male deer.]

"But in private, friends and colleagues say, another Ms. Quinn can emerge: controlling, temperamental and surprisingly volatile, with a habit of hair-trigger eruptions of unchecked, face-to-face wrath." [Note: I think there's more trouble here with the idea that her private and public faces are different than there is with her being volatile. Is it the case that Quinn as a woman tries to rein in her anger in public so as to fit a certain expectation of her? At the same time, isn't every politician worth his or her salt able to talk through both sides of the mouth?] "She has threatened, repeatedly, to slice off the private parts of those who cross her." [Note: Later in the piece we learn that she employs the phrase with both men and women.]

"A former campaign donor who had been called to Ms. Quinn’s office to discuss a legislative proposal said: 'She screamed at me for 10 minutes, uninterrupted, and used the F-word at least 20 times. I was just so startled, I didn’t know what to do.'” [Note: So she uses the f-bomb. She is not the only one.]

Quinn herself, who you imagine might be both angry about and proud of this article—she once bragged in an interview that she could "open up the bitch tap and let the water run" write Grynbaum and Chen—also uses the b-word freely: “I don’t think being pushy or bitchy or tough, or however you want to characterize it, is a bad thing,” she said. “New Yorkers want somebody who’s going to get things done.” [Note: That's true, I think. And I have a kind of admiration for anyone, woman or man, who is unabashed about who they are.]

We also get that she's "sensitive to slights" (what politician isn't?); that her staff added soundproofing to her office at City Hall so outsiders couldn't hear her yell; that her screaming is "old-fashioned" and intense; that few would speak on the record about her for fear of "retaliation"; that when she berates you she gets "in your face," pointing fingers; and that she can be as intensely charming as she is terrifying.

All this may simply mean she's as good a mayoral candidate as any. As Mother Jones editor Clara Jeffery put it, "I've never heard anyone sound so much like an NYC mayor in the making, for better or worse."

Quinn offered no apology to the interviewers for her behavior, though she did say "she was working on becoming kinder and more measured." Would a man say that? Maybe. It depends which man. I looked back at a piece on Joe Lhota, also a mayoral candidate, from the Times in January. The words are different, it's true. Lhota gets called "something of a throwback: an unapologetically outsize personality, known throughout his career for big emotions and an uninhibited style." He's "larger than life, occasionally profane," and a hothead. He once gave a reporter the middle finger. There is a different tone in this piece, but it's also a different story.

Of course this article would be different if she were a man, because it too would be a different story, with different facts and realities. Quinn herself would be different, at the very least, because her gender would be, and given the environment in which she became a politician, may have done different things, perhaps, to get where she is. But presuming all the quotes in the piece are true (and there's no reason not to), we can't very well call the article sexist. Still, it can be very hard to fully separate facts about gender from one's larger opinions—these views are often deeply engrained, and that's why we need to be aware of them. That's also why our reactions to this piece are different than they would be if she were a man. But if we hold Quinn to some standard of "ladylikeness" and say she can't do her job or is unacceptable as a mayor because she's behaving brashly, it's not the fault of this piece. That's our fault, our problem, and society's. And if we pay more attention to the quotes and personality revealed in this piece than we do to the realities of her policies (really, no paid sick leave?) and plans for our city's future, that's our problem, too.
[1119 words]
Source: http://www.theatlanticwire.com/national/2013/03/would-new-york-times-christine-quinn-profile-been-different-she-were-man/63527/

杀G给猴看

我又来占座了~~~明天早起来看！加油！XD

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1 - 01:30
The newly elected pope was surprising for several reasons. And that raises the question of who are the Jesuits exactly. There are two types of priests: the diocesan priests and the religious orders.

2 - 01:43

3 - 01:24
The Cyprus government has put restrictions on transfering bank deposits to cash. One benefit of monetary union is that money can move from one country to another without restrictions. The result of Cyprus' action is that the value of Cypriot euro is different from euro in other countries. Despite of the result above, head offices in Europe did not prevent the action.

4 - 01:48
The problem of Cyprus' action is that the restriction undermines the unity of the Eurozone. The eurogroup has put up several requirements for the action: it should be temporary, non-discriminatory and proportionate. But capital control in Iceland started in 2008 remains today, so it is still hard to achieve the goals eurogroup has set up. (2nd time: the eurogroup has take measures to prevent Cyprus from serious bank run and protect savers.)

5 - 01:37
The passage suggests that the central bank should act as liquidity provider and that the ECB should take more risks than usual to strengthen market confidence.
(2nd: but if the above measures did not work, Europe should further help those banks. Also, capital controls can evoke risks in other countries.)

obstacle - 06:06
NYT comments Quinn, a mayoral candidate, as "surprisingly volatile". Quinn's "brash and vulgar" behaviour provoked heated discussion among the public, mainly because she is a woman and people often perceive women to be gentle and sweet. The passage also shows some tweet as evidence. Does to be a politican necessarily mean to be rude? But this does not seem to be a question if Quinn is a man. So what is wrong with that for a woman politician? Quinn's friends say that she is charming in private situations. And some people say that she is quite concerned about her imagine as well (city council有隔音板什么的…). But after all Quinn is not so upset about being "rude" in public, and she holds that the main concern for a mayor is to solve problems for the citizens (and the author totally agrees with that). In the end, the author talks about how should we perceive this phenomena: NYT's article is not that sexist, and despite of some gender differences, we should not take bias on women politicians and mix our judgement of their ability with their "ladylikeness". (To be gentle does not mean unqualified.)

单词量要大要大要大…TT…FOCUS！
spencer考过了还来做小分队~YM！

imfishy

1‘12
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所以只有我睡前看么  = =。  睡前做是不是效率不高?

adamzjw

2:25
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9:08

solveyn

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单词量不行啊，很影响理解。

spencerX

谢谢风随心动的分享~~排版很舒服

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kimwang53

zhan zuo

泡泡teasea

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cleotina

The special background of the new pope.

More knowledge about the election of pope

The money in Cypriot is not as value as in other places of Euro

A tough mayoral candidate with a strong personality, which is caused by the attitude of this society.