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【神猴插播曲目】 everybody, 小分队从第10系列将开始“考勤制度”啦~~有些人已经注意到咯 以后每系列(如9系列)结束后,我们会在下一系列(如10系列)插播公布上系列(9系列)所有成员的出勤率,希望能对大家的努力有所反馈。帮助大家监督自己。 由于工作量较大,我们只能每系列进行一次,还希望到时大家帮助神猴一起来完成。每次统计需要至少4人以上,多多益善哈(4人的话每人约15分钟) 宣传完毕,我们来公布第9系列的出勤数据咯~!
小分队第四期9系列封神榜
出勤率前五名的是! No.1, 2012Michelle ---20 days No.1, attractg ---20 days No.3, Xiaodiehoo ---19 days No.3, peill ---19 days No.5, ENJ0Y ---17 days
获封9系列大神的是! “不可思议神奇无比全满贯大神”---大米、attractg ~ “9系列大神” --- Xiaodiehoo、peill(并列第三) 差一点点气死人9系列鼓励小奖 --- ENJ0Y(还要再加把劲哦)
恭喜他们 (同时9系列还有10人获得了一闪即逝轻功了得大奖哦,详细出勤排行榜,请见小分队-风云系列排行榜) 【插播结束,打扰了~~继续坚持阅读哦!】
不好意思,发帖有点晚,辜负了晚上练阅读的筒子们~ 不知道这次越障难度是否合适~要是觉得简单,大家回忆的时候提下,我下次再努力找找更难的~ 各位,周末愉快~
【speed】 The Business of Learning Mandarin 【time 1】
English is the international language of business. But an increasing number of American companies that do business in China or with Chinese companies are having their workers learn Mandarin.
Michael Cheng is a Taiwanese-American Internet entrepreneur and property developer. He is also in the business of teaching Chinese. Mr. Cheng is president and founder of the Mando Mandarin Online School. The school is based in New York and uses teachers in China to teach over webcams.
"China over the past few years very quickly has already become the world's second-largest economy. And, you know, it's just common business savvy. If China's got over three trillion dollars in reserves now, so if you want to do business or connect with the fastest-growing country in the world, it might make sense to make an effort to engage the people in their own language, as understanding of their language and culture goes a long way in building strong relationships -- especially with the Chinese."
By some predictions, China could pass the United States and become the world's largest economy by twenty twenty-five. Michael Cheng says that as China's economic power has increased, so has its cultural power.
"Starting back in two thousand four, the Chinese Ministry of Education, along with what was called their Chinese Language Council, began to set up, around the world, Confucius Institutes, and with the purpose of promoting and developing Chinese language and culture teaching resources around the world."
Now, he says, there are more than three hundred Confucius Institutes in almost one hundred countries. These institutes work to promote Chinese language at the university level. The Chinese government has partnered with colleges and the Asia Society to set up programs across the United States. High schools have also received money to start Chinese language training programs.
Mr. Cheng says that, just as many English speakers want to learn Mandarin, many people in China want to learn English. 【319】
【time 2】 "In fact, if you want to talk numbers, there's, based on sheer population, there are actually more people learning, well, who speak English in China than there are [English speakers] in the United States. I think right now there's about four hundred million people who are either learning or currently speak English."
He says taking the time to learn someone else's language is a great sign of respect and a way to build business relationships.
"Speaking of relationships, here's a quick business -- Chinese business lesson for some listeners. It's one word, it's two syllables and the word is guanxi. To get things done quickly and effectively, it's important to have what's called guanxi. In Mandarin it means personal relationships or networks of influence, and it's very essential to doing business or making connections in China."
Welfare in India Money where your mouth is A debate is growing about how to get welfare to the needy Nov 10th 2012 | RAGHUBIR NAGAR AND RAIPUR | from the print edition
IN THIS bustling corner of western Delhi, ironmongers hammer away in workshops, and the narrow streets swarm with motorbikes and rickshaws. Raghubir Nagar is not desperately poor, yet signs of poverty abound.
Before a doorway a delivery man deposits two modest-sized aluminium pots. They contain rice and beans supplied, free, as part of a midday-meal scheme for all who attend school. Somehow 70 children from the nearby alleys are supposed to share the contents.
【243】
【time 3】 A woman of about 50, Shahjaha, oversees the distribution of the meal from her small brick house. She serves as a sort of health and social worker for the nearby streets. A skinny frame and wispy hair tell of her own limited supply of calories. For a family of 14 she scrapes together a few kilos of subsidized wheat, sugar and pulses each month. Her jobless husband complains it is hard sometimes to find the money, despite the subsidies.
A year ago, he says, things were easier. During 2011 Mrs Shahjaha was enrolled in a pilot project in the area, testing how cash transfers could replace public distribution of rations for “below poverty line” families. She got a monthly stipend of 1,000 rupees ($20) direct into her bank account instead of a right to use the ration shop.
The results were broadly encouraging. In all, 100 families got the monthly money. The women’s group overseeing the scheme found a “marked increase” in nutrition among families who got the cash, as they enjoyed a richer diet and better quality food. Strikingly, the quality of food in the ration shop also improved, perhaps as it saw customers opting to go elsewhere.
Mrs Shahjaha says she “once or twice” used some of the monthly money to buy medicine or pay for a trip to a doctor. Inevitably, she grumbles that the monthly stipend was too mean. Yet, overall, households appeared to gain, buying food where they wished. For the poorest, especially migrants lacking proof of a local address, getting cash via bank accounts was far simpler than proving eligibility for rations. 【268】
【time 4】 Cash in clean hands Direct cash payments should drastically curtail corruption. In India abuse of the public distribution of food, fuel, fertiliser and other welfare-in-kind is legendary —two-fifths or more is stolen in some states. Switching to electronic cash transfers all but eliminates that. The success of such schemes elsewhere, such as Bolsa Família in Brazil, a “conditional” scheme that channels public money to 13m poor families while encouraging children to attend school, is now being debated in India.
Prominently, in late October the prime minister, Manmohan Singh, flanked among others by Sonia Gandhi, the leader of the ruling Congress Party, appeared in Jaipur, Rajasthan, to launch a national campaign promoting schemes for cash welfare. They praised those who have signed up to the country’s fast-expanding biometric database, known as the “unique identity” (or UID) project.
Nandan Nilekani, a former IT tycoon who has cabinet rank and oversees the project, says the next 18 months will bring a rapid expansion of the database and more applications to make use of it for cash transfers. Within two years he expects those in the database to rise to 600m—over half the population—from 215m today.
Mr Nilekani points to a rush of new pilot schemes where recipients are starting to get payments directly into bank accounts tracked with their UID number. They are for pensioners in Tripura state, employees in rural make-work schemes in Jharkhand and, soon, academics in Maharashtra. Yet making existing cash welfare more efficient is the easy bit. What follows—switching non-food rations for the poor to cash—will be more controversial. 【264】
【time5】 First in line are public supplies of cooking gas. Over 100m Indian families get six cylinders of subsidised gas a year, through suppliers receiving wholesale payments from the government. Much is stolen and diverted to a thriving black market. Mr Nilekani and other reformers want gas sold to everyone at market rates, with government money sent to the bank accounts of the needy to help them buy supplies.
Since a cash system will eliminate fake recipients and be easier to audit, savings of a third could be made. A successful pilot scheme for gas provision in Karnataka state is a model for the country. Similar changes could be made to the provision of cheap fertiliser, paraffin and other fuels.
In the long run, and most controversially, officials want to see how to replace food rations with cash transfers, just as in Raghubir Nagar. Many oppose this, saying that in rural areas especially, recipients would struggle to spend cash well because working local food markets do not exist. Others fear that recipients will squander their cash on local hooch and the like.
Rather than switch to cash, critics say, food rations could be delivered much better, as has started to happen in certain states. For example, the chief minister of Chhattisgarh, Raman Singh, in his office in Raipur, cheerily describes how in the past few years he has transformed the supply of rations of rice to 3.4m poor families. 【238】
【剩余】 Mr Singh says the state system is now transparent. Food deliveries by lorry are tracked using GPS technology. Local councils rather than privately run ration shops oversee storage and distribution. Mr Singh claims that malnutrition and infant mortality are down as a result of the changes. Crucially, Mr Singh says, much less is being stolen. An aide claims that the gains are so popular that villagers now call the chief minister “Father Rice”. That should help Mr Singh as he faces a state election next year. He is against cash transfers.
Yet for the Congress Party in Delhi, the political opportunity may lie precisely with benefits as cash, not in kind. National elections are due by 2014 and Congress, beset by scandal and slowing rates of economic growth, has little to inspire voters with. If Mr Nilekani were able to get another 300m-odd people signed up for the UID scheme before the election, with their bank accounts linked to their electronic identities, then a new cash-welfare scheme could conceivably be rolled out in time. The capital’s politicians, who have promised to deal with public graft, might see the political advantages from cash transfers. In the alleys of Raghubir Nagar residents sound keen on the idea of leaders pledging to put money in their bank accounts, if they are not left worse off. Then one woman, a participant in the cash-transfer pilot scheme, cautions her neighbours: “We can’t believe what politicians promise. We have to see what they do.” 【248】
【obstacle】 How to solve the fiscal cliff The Obamney tax plan Nov 8th 2012, 23:33 by G.I. | WASHINGTON, D.C.
PRESIDENTS choose their words carefully. So when Barack Obama talked of “tax reform” but not “tax rates” in his acceptance speech early Wednesday, he was presumably sending a signal. And it was similarly significant that later that day John Boehner repeatedly stated his opposition to higher tax “rates” rather than tax revenue.
Within those two statements lies the nucleus of a deal: raising tax revenue through some means other than higher tax rates. There are myriad ways of doing this; the trick is to find one that both Democrats and Republicans can live with. During the supercommittee negotiations last year, Senator Pat Toomey proposed raising $250 billion in revenue over 10 years by closing loopholes. But he would also have cut rates sharply, which would have benefited the richest households most. That was anathema to Democrats; they wanted more revenue, but not if it made the tax system less progressive.
So the price for Democrats is that tax reform must be progressive: after-tax incomes of people at the top must be squeezed more than for people at the middle. Thus far, Mr Obama has equated that with allowing the top two income tax brackets to return to their pre-2001 levels. But there is an alternative route to the same goal that does not require higher rates, and it comes courtesy of Mitt Romney. Recall that when asked how he would pay for a 20% cut to marginal rates, he proposed a cap on deductions, an idea proposed in 2011 by Martin Feldstein, Maya MacGuineas and Daniel Feenberg.
I don't have a ready estimate of how much capping deductions for those earning more than $250,000 would raise. But you can ballpark it by looking the Tax Policy Center's estimates for capping itemized deductions at $50,000. It would raise $749 billion over 10 years, within the $800 billion that Mr Boehner has previously agreed to. That’s also more than the $429 billion yielded from returning the two top rates to their pre 2001 levels. The appeal for Republicans is that no one’s rates go up, and the preferential rate for capital gains and dividends is preserved. The appeal for Mr Obama is that it is highly progressive. According to the TPC, less than 1% of the bottom 60% of households would pay more tax while the top 1% would pay 79% of the additional revenue. The average tax rate for the bottom 60% wouldn’t change, while it would go up 2 percentage points for the top 1%. It's worth noting that Mr Obama’s budgets proposed capping the value of deductions for upper income households at 28%, which would have raised $584 billion over 10 years. Prior to 2001, the personal exemption and itemized deductions phased out for upper income taxpayers; those phaseouts were eliminated by the Bush tax cuts. Mr Obama's budget would reinstate them, raising $164 billion over a decade. (These provisions would raise considerably less revenue if the two top rates did not go up.)
Would such a deal fly? One source close to House Republicans tells me: “I think they'd take it; they're holding no cards at the moment… The capping of deductions would be very magnaminous and a good way to lay the groundwork for negotiating real tax reform.” But, he adds, “I don't think Obama would offer that—why not fall back to Reid-Pelosi and increase it on people making over $1 million and dare house Republicans to walk away from that? Sacrificing the chance to earn political points will be very difficult for Democrats to do.”
On the other hand, Harry Reid and Nancy Pelosi, though unhappy to be excluded from Mr Obama’s grand bargain negotiations with John Boehner in 2011, seemed ready to fall in line with a deal that met Mr Obama's conditions. So the bigger question is whether this sort of deal qualifies: is Mr Obama prepared to let the lower rates stay in place if he can get the revenue by other means? One former Administration official thinks he would: “Obama's budget likes the idea of capping deductions at 28 percent," and this would be an even lower cap. "The problem is that it hurts both housing and charities. Both are powerful constituencies. And housing is fragile at the moment and phase-in would still roil real estate. Also at what level of income? Lots of Congressional Democrats want the bracket at $1 million, not $250,000.” He also thinks Democrats would want to raise rates on capital gains, which is a bigger deal to Republicans than income tax rates.
Agreement on taxes constitutes only half of a deal. Republicans will accept higher tax revenue only if accompanied by spending cuts. Mr Obama is okay with cuts, but perhaps not the cuts to entitlements that Republicans want. But it’s quite possible that the two could start out small with more modest caps on deductions and cuts to discretionary spending with cosmetic trimming of health care entitlements - enough to justify extending the lower tax rates for a year and delaying the sequester of automatic spending cuts. It would be a down payment on a more ambitious plan next year.
Both Mr Obama and Mr Boehner say they are not as far apart as people think. It's encouraging that neither laid down markers that the other side can't stomach; we'll see if Mr Obama maintains that openness in an address on the economy scheduled for Friday. He has previously said he would reach out to Mr Romney for ideas; he could do worse than to adopt this one. 【923】
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