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昨天一战亚洲大厦,数学轻敌了才47,V也考得不好。今天,稍微冷静点了,放个狗,攒RP。
昨天,考到了一篇《欧洲中世纪妇女的工作》,用几个关键词,上Google搜了一下,找到了原文出处,是一篇关于欧洲妇女工作的Review里面的(http://www-bcf.usc.edu/~judithb/histstand.pdf)。一下是根据记忆筛选出的原文,估计语句上稍微有点出入。
P1,中世纪after1500,由于社会分工,工作要求的提高,女性的工作机会,越来越少了。只能转作low skilled,low paid活,甚至在家里干活。
In the south German cities examined by Wiesner in Working Women in Renaissance Germany, working options for women between 1500 and 1700 eroded due to a conjuncture of economic and religious factors. As occupations in these cities became more specialized and required more training, women lost ground because they lacked the requisite skills and education. Working women also encountered more explicit opposition from men, especially those men disadvantaged by economic change. Guilds facing economic contraction acted to restrict women's work, and journeymen facing lifelong employment in the workshops of elite masters refused to work alongside the daughters and wives of these masters. And, as the Reformation inspired new moral concerns, city councils not only closed public baths and brothels that had employed some women but also passed legislation to ensure that "masterless" women were forced under the authority of some male, whether father, husband, or employer. Women never marshaled effective, collective opposition to these losses because they identified more strongly with their families than with other women.
P2,进一步分析补充,加强了这个现象和说法。
Perhaps the most chilling indictment of medieval women's work comes from a comparison of two essays in Women and Work in Preindustrial Europe -Klapisch-Zuber's "Women Servants in Florence during the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries" and Susan Mosher Stuard's 'To Town to Serve: Urban Domestic Slavery in Medieval Ragusa." Both conclude that distinctions between servants and slaves were minimal and often obscured. In other words, domestic service -probably the most important occupation of unmarried women in medieval Europe-was often akin to domestic slavery.
P3,其实,考试时候,最后一段很短,估计GMAC缩了不少。又说其他两个中世纪学家的看法,其实并不是这样的。但是,作者说他们缺少数据和比较的依据。
To be sure, some medievalists continue to extol the "remarkable" opportunities of women before 1500. David Nicholas in The Domestic Life of a Medieval City: Women, Children, and the Family in Fourteenth-Century Ghent presents an idyllic and enthusiastic image of women's lives in fourteenth-century Ghent. But his study, like Steven Ozment's recent work, reveals how lightly historians trained in traditional specialties should tread when they enter the field of social history. Nicholas has little understanding of either the methods of social history or its historiography. He cheerfully claims, for example, that women were "frequently found in the business world," but his own data suggest not only that few women traded independently of their fathers or husbands but also that most women controlled little wealth and worked in "traditional female occupations" (see pages 207, 84, and table 7). Nicholas's study is valuable for the archival information that it recites at great length, but his conclusions cannot be trusted.
Also problematic are recent positive assessments of medieval women's work by Kay E. Lacey (for London during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries) in Women and Work in Preindustrial England and Kathryn L. Reyerson (for early-fourteenth-century Montpellier) in Women and Work in Preindustrial Europe. Although Lacey eagerly lists the many women she has found employed in many occupations in London, her evidence is largely anecdotal, and she never compares the working opportunities of women to those of comparable men. |
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