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[阅读小分队] 【Native Speaker每日训练计划—90系列】【90-08】文史哲

发表于 2017-6-28 14:18:00 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
本帖最后由 rrx6658 于 2017-6-28 14:22 编辑

内容:Joanne Han  编辑:Daniel Rong

Wechat ID: NativeStudy  / Weibo: http://weibo.com/u/3476904471

Part I: Speaker

Our refugee system is failing. Here's how we can fix it

A million refugees arrived in Europe this year, says Alexander Betts, and "our response, frankly, has been pathetic." Betts studies forced migration, the impossible choice for families between the camps, urban poverty and dangerous illegal journeys to safety. In this insightful talk, he offers four ways to change the way we treat refugees, so they can make an immediate contribution to their new homes. "There's nothing inevitable about refugees being a cost," Betts says. "They're human beings with skills, talents, aspirations, with the ability to make contributions -- if we let them."

Source: TED

[Rephrase 1, 18:09]

Part II: Speed

The Economy Has Been Great Since the Election, Say Men. Meh, Say Women.
By Christina Cauterucci | June 27, 2017

[Time 2]
If Newt Gingrich’s philosophy of crime statistics has taught America anything, it’s that feelings are more important than facts. Violent crime may be way down in the U.S., but if people don’t feel like it is—perhaps due to some potent blend of racist fearmongering and cable news coverage—Republicans will find a way to capitalize on their anxiety.

The reverse is true, too: If a demagogue brags about his made-up accomplishments enough, people will start to believe they’re true. Donald Trump is covering up his administration’s lack of achievement with stupid lies and barking about creating jobs through deals he had no part in. But at least two overlapping groups of Americans believe that the economy is getting better thanks to Trump’s diligent and capable work: old men and Republicans! Three out of four men over age 49 think the economy is doing well, as do 93 percent of Republican men and 61 percent of Republican women. Large majorities of those groups give Trump credit for whatever good stuff the economy has been up to lately.

Throughout history, men have almost always been more likely than women to think the economy is doing great. We can blame the gender wage gap and women’s larger role in purchasing consumer goods for that. According to a new poll from the Wall Street Journal and NBC News, the gender gap in economic outlook is wider now than it’s been in 40 years. Three-quarters of men surveyed said they thought the economy has improved since the election, while less than half of women said the same.

Gender differences in party makeup account for some of this 16-point gender gap, but not all of it. Republican women who were surveyed were four times as likely as their male counterparts to say the economy was not improving, and Democratic women were nearly 20 points more likely than their male peers to say so. In fact, a slim majority of Democratic men say the economy has improved since the election, and 14 percent of Democratic men say Trump deserves credit for that improvement. Since Trump’s election, men have gotten more confident in the country’s economy, while women have gotten less so.
[365 words]

[Time 3]
The Wall Street Journal reports that, since the election, there has been no objective change in the labor market that has given men a better deal than women. Unemployment rates among men and women are nearly identical, and job growth for women has actually been somewhat better than it has been for men.

In other words, these economy feelings aren’t tethered to facts—they’re more usefully understood as proxies for general senses of security and well-being. A recent Pew Research Center survey found that men’s confidence in the country’s outlook has skyrocketed since Trump’s election, while Democratic women’s has plummeted and Republican women’s has risen slightly. Women do not feel represented and served by the current slate of policymakers charting America’s future, so their interpretation of the state of the economy is grimmer. It probably doesn’t help that they’re about to be priced out of their health care, either.

Trump and his cabinet have focused their rah-rah economy rhetoric on the jobs of white men: coal mining and manufacturing. Working-class women and people of color are far more likely to do care work, which is grossly underpaid, or hold jobs in the retail sector, which is hemorrhaging a much greater stream of jobs than the coal industry. As my colleague Jamelle Bouie wrote in April, to compare Trump’s devotion to the tiny, already-doomed coal industry with his virtually nonexistent response to the retail industry’s rapid decline is to reveal the racist and sexist biases at the heart of his economic plan. Whether the economy as a whole is up or down, women are watching the very real devaluation of their work. The damage is both economic and emotional.
[278 words]

Source: The XX Factor

Trumpcare Is the Perfect Document of the GOP: Pro-Birth, Anti-Woman, Anti-Child
By Christina Cauterucci | June 26, 2017

[Time 4]
A baker’s dozen of white male Republicans will have successfully placed abortion care out of reach for the majority of American women if the Senate passes the latest version of Trumpcare. The 13 men labored in unprecedented secrecy on a bill that would cut off poor women’s access to preventive care, prevent women who care for aging parents from keeping their jobs, and effectively dismantle a longstanding system for insurance coverage of abortion.

On a call with reporters on Friday, Sen. Patty Murray surmised that the all-male Senate committee kept their plan secret for so long because “they were just ashamed of their bill, and it’s easy to see why. … Senate Republicans’ Trumpcare bill is nothing less than an attack on women’s health and rights.”

Advocates had hoped that the Senate, with a much slimmer Republican majority than the House and procedural rules that could prevent targeted attacks on abortion care, would end up with a more moderate stab at Obamacare repeal. But the Senate’s Better Care Reconciliation Act—a response to the House’s American Health Care Act—contains the same attacks on women’s health that the GOP celebrated with the passage of the AHCA.

• It would block Planned Parenthood from accepting patients on Medicaid—more than half of Planned Parenthood’s client base—for one year, though Republicans would almost certainly seek to renew that provision every year they’re in power.

• It would make it possible for states to allow insurers to price people out of health care with sky-high premiums if they have a “pre-existing condition” in their medical histories, such as a previous Cesarean section or sexual assault.

• It would slash Medicaid, the majority of whose enrollees are women.

• It would let states decide whether or not to make insurance companies cover maternity care, which 88 percent of plans did not cover before the Affordable Care Act mandated it. Where the House bill included state subsidies for maternity and infant care, the Senate bill does not; Planned Parenthood estimates that up to 13 million women could lose access to coverage for maternal care if this bill becomes law.
[351 words]

[Time 5]
Republicans have also taken the occasion of this bill to make it harder for women to afford abortion care. Conservative lawmakers have always used poor women as bargaining chips in abortion politics—see, for instance, the Hyde Amendment, which prohibits anyone on Medicaid from using her federally-funded health insurance for an abortion not needed for reasons of rape, incest, or a potentially deadly complication.

With their Trumpcare proposals, Republicans are trying to keep women on private insurance plans from getting abortion coverage, too. The Senate’s bill, like the House’s, would block any plan sold on a state insurance marketplace from covering abortion care. Any woman who gets tax credits to help her pay for health insurance—because she neither qualifies for Medicaid nor has insurance through her employer—would be unable to use those credits to purchase a plan that covers abortion. Both the Senate and the House’s versions of Trumpcare would also prevent small businesses from using their tax credits to offer insurance that covers abortion to their employees.

“For many folks, coverage for abortion care means the difference between getting the health care they need and being denied that care,” said Destiny Lopez, co-director of All* Above All, an abortion access advocacy group. “We know through research that the impact of denial can really have long-term devastating effects on a woman and her family’s economic future. … Frankly, it feels like it’s an attempt by antiabortion policymakers who can’t make abortion illegal to just interfere with our personal decision-making.”

Currently, states get to decide what services marketplace plans must or may not cover. Since 1981, California has required all insurance providers in the state to cover abortion care if they cover maternity care—and since the ACA mandated maternity care coverage, all insurance plans in California cover abortion. If Trumpcare becomes law, no person in California who uses federal tax credits for health insurance— about 1.2 million Californians in 2016—will be able to purchase any insurance plan at all, because they will all include abortion coverage. Neither will tax credit–using residents of New York and Massachusetts, where similar abortion-coverage mandates are in place. The immediate conflicts between these state regulations and the restrictions of Trumpcare would almost certainly result in litigation. California’s insurance commissioner told the Los Angeles Times that the GOP’s proposed restriction on private abortion coverage is “directly at odds with California law and California’s constitutional protection of an individual’s right to have access to abortions.”
[412 words]

[Time 6]
If Trumpcare becomes law, its blows to the private insurance market for abortion coverage would disincentivize any insurer from covering the service. (Why offer plans that a large segment of employers and individuals can’t buy?) Abortion coverage is currently an industry standard in insurance plans; Trumpcare would attack it from two sides. “You’re going to see women being impacted directly if they rely on the subsidies, but also this chilling effect on insurers, because they’re not going to have that supply and demand in the market,” Lopez said.

“For us, it feels a little bit like a triple or quadruple whammy,” she continued. “Because it not only bans insurance coverage for abortion—it [also] bars reimbursement for Planned Parenthood; it decimates Medicaid; and it is going to make it harder for women who have babies to actually support their families and get insurance coverage for their families.”

Vox noted in a piece on Monday that post-natal care is already lacking in the U.S., and letting states allow insurers to stop covering maternity care will further damage what flimsy infrastructure exists. It is a remarkable feat of hypocrisy for the Republican Party to position its unparalleled crackdown on private abortion coverage as a pro-birth, pro-family policy while dismantling lifesaving health care for new mothers, who are more likely to die in the U.S. than any other country in the developed world. About half of the country’s new births each year are covered by Medicaid, from which the GOP hopes to cut $834 billion over the next decade. Anti-abortion policymakers love to talk about all the fetuses they “save” through draconian restrictions on women’s lives. After all that moralizing, they must have no empathy to spare for the babies and mothers who will suffer for the sin of being too poor to afford health care.
[303 words]

Source: The XX Factor

Part III: Obstacle

The Inside Story of How a Nazi Plot to Sabotage the U.S. War Effort Was Foiled
By David A. Taylor | June 28, 2016

[Paraphrase 7]
The New York Times headline on July 4, 1942, was almost jubilant, an Independence Day gift to a country in the throes of war: “Nazi Saboteurs Face Stern Army Justice.” The article described a plot thwarted and an FBI that was vigilant against threats to public safety. It included a line drawing of J. Edgar Hoover on an important phone call.

The article was also terrifying. Eight agents of Nazi Germany were in custody, caught on American soil with detailed plans to sabotage key infrastructure and spread panic. In late June, two squads of German saboteurs had landed on American beaches, ferried by U-boats to Long Island and Florida’s coast. The saboteurs had enough explosives for two years of mayhem, with immediate plans to blow up a critical railway bridge, disrupt New York’s water supply and spread terror. They were stopped in the nick of time.

The reality was even scarier than the Times reported, and strikingly different from the story presented by the FBI: a defense system caught unawares, plotters who were merely human, and a confession nearly bungled by the agency.

While Hoover and his FBI painted the arrests as a great coup, in fact it was mere chance that brought the Nazi plot to light.

That’s not to say Hoover’s crew wasn’t looking for Nazis. The FBI had been alert to schemes on U.S. soil since the Pearl Harbor attack jolted the nation’s defense system. The agency had even infiltrated a ring of Nazi spies based in New York and arrested them the year before, in 1941. That ring was led by a man named Frederick “Fritz” Duquesne, a South African who had lived in New York for over 30 years. With a shell business in Manhattan and orders from Berlin, Duquesne assembled a network of operatives including one who obtained information about shipping targets and was preparing a fuse bomb. Another plotter designed power plants for utility companies in New York. By the fall of 1940, they were mapping industrial targets in the Northeast. The arrests of Duquesne and his ring in June 1941 had been a publicity windfall for Hoover and a wake-up call for the nation.

The problem was that after Pearl Harbor, the FBI was looking in many wrong directions for saboteurs, including a misguided dragnet effort against immigrant families on both coasts.

This new batch of saboteurs, all long-time U.S. residents, were trained for their mission in Germany at an estate called Quentz Lake outside Berlin. Hitler’s generals had been clamoring for sabotage operations and that pressure worked down to Walter Kappe, an army lieutenant who had lived in Chicago and New York in the 1930s before returning to serve the Reich. Kappe began recruiting in 1941 from among other Germans who had also repatriated from America. Leading the group was the oldest, George Dasch, age 39, a long-time waiter in New York who had served in the U.S. Army. Others included Ernest Berger, who had gone so far as to obtain U.S. citizenship. Kappe’s plan was to send the team ahead to settle in before he arrived in Chicago to direct sabotage operations. They would be paid handsome salaries, be exempt from military service, and receive plum jobs after Germany won the war.

All the agents Kappe selected had lived in the United States for years – two had U.S. citizenship. Their training was rigorous and they practiced their fake identities, rehearsing every detail. There was even a built-in protocol to protect the operation from the temptation to defect, as William Breuer notes in Nazi Spies in America: “If any saboteur gave indications of weakening in resolve… the others were to ‘kill him without compunction.’”

Their operation was dubbed Pastorius, named for the founder of the first German settlement in America (Germantown, later absorbed into Philadelphia). The eight secret agents would sail in two groups from a submarine base in Lorient, France. The first group boarded the night of May 26 and U-201 submerged for the voyage. U-202 followed two nights later, less than six months after the U.S. and Germany declared war on each other.

On the beach of Long Island’s south fork on June 12, the night of the Pastorians’ arrival, was not the FBI but a young Coast Guard recruit named John Cullen, strolling the sands near Amagansett. Cullen was understandably stunned when he spotted four men in German uniforms unloading a raft on the beach. Cullen, 21, was unarmed. Wearing the fatigues was a tactical choice: If the men were captured in them, they would be treated as prisoners of war rather than spies subject to execution.

He rushed toward the group and called out for them to stop. Dasch went for the young man and grabbed his arm, managing to threaten and bribe him at the same time. Dasch shoved a wad of cash into Cullen’s hand, saying in clear English, “Take this and have a good time. Forget what you’ve seen here.” The young man raced off back in the direction of the Coast Guard station, while Dasch and his team quickly buried their uniforms and stash of explosives and detonators to retrieve later. When Cullen returned to the beach at daylight with several Coast Guard officers, they found footprints that led to the cache.

But the Germans had gotten away. At Amagansett they boarded a Long Island Railroad train into the city. Dasch bought four newspapers and four tickets, and the saboteurs blended into the Manhattan-bound commuters on the 6:57 a.m. train. When they reached the city they split into two groups: two agents checked into a hotel across from Penn Station, and the other two headed for a second hotel.

A few days later, on June 17, off the Florida coast just below Jacksonville, U-201 surfaced and deposited the second quartet of saboteurs before dawn. Following procedure, they buried their explosives and uniforms near the beach, walked to nearby Highway 1, and caught a Greyhound for Jacksonville. Within a day, two were bound for operations in Chicago, and the other two headed for Cincinnati. Their list of targets included the complex systems of canal locks in Cincinnati and St. Louis at the heart of commerce on the Mississippi and aluminum factories in Philadelphia.

Operation Pastorius appeared to be on track.

The New York plotters chose their targets for maximum suffering and symbolism. The Hell Gate Bridge carried four vital rail arteries – two for passengers, two for freight – across the most densely populated and economically important passage of the Northeast. The bridge was also an icon of American engineering. Other transportation targets were Newark Penn Station and the “Horseshoe Curve” on the Chesapeake & Ohio Railroad at Altoona, Pennsylvania. Another big target was the New York water supply, a gem of public utilities and health. The state’s Board of Water Supply, aware of the vulnerability, had boosted wartime security for the system to include 250 guards and more than 180 patrolmen.

Once the plotters confirmed logistics, they would retrieve their cache of explosives near Amagansett.

When Dasch checked into the hotel with fellow conspirator Berger, though, he used the moment to tell Berger that he planned to call the FBI and expose their scheme. He told Berger he could either join his planned defection or Dasch would kill him. Then Dasch made a phone call to the local FBI office.

He never wanted to return to Germany; he thought if he turned the operation in, he could stay in America and perhaps resume his life. Dasch had originally stowed away on a freighter headed for the U.S., arriving in 1922. He and his Pennsylvanian wife both pined to stay in the States. If Dasch hadn’t given himself up, would they have been successful? The odds were in their favor.

Dasch told the FBI agent who answered that a Nazi submarine had just landed and he had important information. “I’ll be in Washington within the week to deliver it personally to J. Edgar Hoover,” he said, then hung up.

The FBI had received hundreds of many prank or misguided calls since the war started, and this seemed to be one more. But when the same office got a call from the Coast Guard about the Long Island episode and the stash of explosives retrieved on the beach, the FBI took the anonymous call seriously.

Dasch soon broke free from his team in New York, however, and boarded a train for Washington, D.C. He phoned FBI headquarters when he got there. “I’m the man who called your New York office,” he said. “I am in Room 351 at the Mayflower Hotel.” He asked to speak with Hoover. He was not put through.

For the next two days, dumbfounded FBI agents interrogated Dasch in his hotel room with a stenographer taking down his story: from the sabotage training outside Berlin to the targets identified by both teams, and contacts’ addresses in America. He also handed over all the cash the German government had provided to bankroll years of chaos: over $82,000. Within 14 days, all eight saboteurs were in jail, a string of arrests from New York to Chicago.

None of the infrastructure targets were hit. Public alarm, however, skyrocketed when the news broke. Roosevelt ordered a military tribunal, as the Times headline noted, the first time one had been called since Lincoln’s assassination. All eight defendants pled not guilty, saying they had volunteered for the operation only to get back to their families in America.
[1578 words]

[The Rest]
Hoover knew the only way to catch up was to manage the spin. He stage-managed the press details of the case, framing the captures as brilliant police work, when in fact Dasch had volunteered the names and addresses. In newsreels produced through the war, Hoover looked into the camera and addressed GIs overseas, assuring them that the FBI was their capable ally in the war to protect America.

Dasch hoped the risks he took to alert authorities to the scheme would get him clemency, but they were lost in accounts of a triumphant FBI. The Washington Post reported only that Dasch “cooperated with United States officials in procuring evidence against the others.”

That July even Hoover reportedly wavered on executing the man who handed the case to him on a platter. In the end, Attorney General Francis Biddle requested leniency for Dasch. The military tribunal found all eight guilty and sentenced them to death. Dasch’s sentence was reduced to 30 years in prison, and Berger’s sentence reduced to life.

On August 8, the six condemned to die were taken to the District of Columbia Jail and executed by electric chair. Prison officials were concerned about the power surge – the chair was relatively untested locally. Each execution took 14 minutes. News cameras filmed the ambulances bearing the bodies away afterward.

(UPDATE, June 26, 2017: The Washington Post recently reported that in 2006, the National Park Service uncovered a clandestine memorial to the six Nazi spies.)

After serving six years of their sentence, Dasch and Berger were released. Dasch’s lawyer repeatedly applied for his client’s amnesty, and by 1948 President Truman leaned toward a pardon. Still, Hoover argued against it. Dasch accepted deportation as a condition of pardon, and both prisoners were released and sent to what was then West Germany, where they were treated as pariahs. Dasch settled with his wife in a small town and started a small business, only to have news coverage expose him. They had to flee crowds threatening vigilante justice to the “traitor” and start over in another town. A friend told him, “It’s a good thing you weren’t there. They would have killed you.” Dasch later published a memoir laying out his side of the story, but it was mostly ignored.

Hoover made sure the FBI would not pay the price of the American public’s fears. That would be borne by immigrant families caught up in the national security dragnet that swept both coasts. Within a few months after Pearl Harbor, the FBI arrested 264 Italian-Americans, nearly 1,400 German-Americans and over 2,200 Japanese-Americans. Many were never shown evidence leading to their arrest. Beyond those initial arrests, however, came a much heavier cost. Throughout the war, approximately 100,000 Japanese-Americans were forced into internment camps, and 50,000 Italian-Americans were similarly relocated.

For years after the war, Dasch petitioned the U.S. government for a full pardon that would allow him to return, as David Alan Johnson notes in Betrayed, his book about Hoover and the saboteurs. Every time Hoover blocked the request.

While Operation Pastorius may have been the most tangible Nazi threat to unfold on American shores, it was not the last. In January 1945, with Hitler’s regime in its last throes, the U.S. Army uncovered a plan for buzzbomb attacks on the East Coast, providing the New York Times with another bone-shivering headline: “Robot Bomb Attacks Here Held Possible.”
[563 words]

Source: The Smithsonian


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发表于 2017-6-28 16:24:01 | 显示全部楼层
发表于 2017-6-28 19:24:24 | 显示全部楼层
Feeling is more important than facts. If you feel that some potent blend of racist exists, then even if the violent crime is way down, people still feel feared. The reverse is true. Trump often brags his accomplishment so two groups of Americans believe that the economy is getting better thanks to Trump’s diligent and capable work: old men and Republicans! Three out of four men over age 49 think the economy is doing well, as do 93 percent of Republican men and 61 percent of Republican women.

Gender diffrence and party difference mey explain this phenomena. Men have almost always been more likely than women to think the economy is doing great. But the gender gap is becoming wider. In the meanwhile, differences in party can't fully explain the gap. Republican women were four times as likely as male counterparts to say the economy was not improving, and Democratic women were nearly 20 points more likely than their male peers to say so.

However, the fact is since the election there has been no objective change in the labor market that has given men a better deal than women. To make things worse, Trump and his cabinet have focused their economy rhetoric on the jobs of white men: coal mining and manufacturing. Such focus reveals the racist and sexist biases at the heart of his economic plan, which brings damage both economic and emotional.
cable发电报、绳索 brag自吹
发表于 2017-6-28 20:03:22 | 显示全部楼层
英文回忆:We always think that the money earned by educated and uneducated ones are totally different. However, the gap between the salaries of them is becoming smaller and smaller. Automated machines are to blame.
A chart showed that UK has experienced two drops in the ratio of salaries in craftsman and labors. The first drop was after the explosion of the Black Death. Also, the interest rate declined with the explosion. The universities in France and some other European countries discovered the same phenomenon.  
单词:Doomsayer 灾难预言者
      Compile 汇编
      Monasteries /‘monesteri/寺院
      Guild 协会
      Dataset 资料组
      Stretch 一片 一段
      Premium 奖金 保险费
      Life expectancy 预期寿命
      Apprenticeship /a’prentifip/

英文回忆:The second drop came after the industrial revolution. Machines were used widely. Craftsmen found they could be replaced by unskilled workers after several-day trainings.
In the past, education was a protection and proxy for finding jobs, while now, too high degrees may prevent jobs for white-collars.
A professor says that if a company hire high-salary employees, it will consider replace them as soon as possible.
单词:hone 训练 磨炼
      Luddite 反对机械化的人
      Smash 粉碎
      Coefficient 系数
      Proxy 代理人
      Persist 存留 坚持
发表于 2017-6-28 20:15:12 | 显示全部楼层
At odds with

Time2 3’22/365
Men and women have different impressions on recent economy.
This, perhaps, is result from the wage gap between men and women and the different consumer habits between men and women.
Besides, different parties have different opinions.
Time3 2’31/278
In fact,the overall economy keeps the same as before.
But the jobs related to men more than women attract more attention from Trump.
When Trump becomes the president, the women in the USA is disappointed, the feeling affecting the impression on the economy.
The health care under Trump is GOP
Time5 3’35/412
After GOP’s law is passed, most abortion care will not be covered.
Time6 3’36/303
Trump care decimate most of insurance about abortion.
The government is proud of saving money from damaging women.
有个故事并非曾经报道所说的那样, FBI英勇的抓住了企图爆炸的德国纳粹党。 事实是这群人经过严密的训练和策划,若非有人背板,很有可能一系列的爆炸都会成功。事后FBI却润色了整个故事。
发表于 2017-6-28 20:43:32 | 显示全部楼层
Even worse 更糟糕的是
price out of 因价格过高被排挤出市场
care work  护理工作
Working-class women and people of color are far more likely to do care work.
makeup  n. 组成, 结构
a slim majority  微弱优势(百分之五十多一点)

>>The Economy Has Been Great Since the Election, Say Men. Meh, Say Women.
S2 4min53s  [365 words] --- 75 wpm
S3 3min52s  [278words] ---  72  wpm
原理:感觉掩盖事实 - 特朗普政府利用这原理创造假象的成就(就业+)- 2类人确信为真:old men& 共和党人- 因为gender gap +(男比女更自信)&党派原因-事实上,真的就业等经济情况没怎么变化-反而目前状态对女性更不利:感觉-、医疗问题、特朗普policy导致的种族歧视&性别歧视+ ->女性情感经济均受伤害

Feelings can cover facts. And nowadays, this strategies was used by T : Although trump made little achievement, due to wider gender gap and something about the party , some people- old men and Republican- believed that T succeeded in improving American economy by encouraging employment after the government found a way to capitalize on the public emotions. However, the fact is that there was not any objective change in economy. Even worse, T era brought economic and emotional damage to woman, because T cut the women’s health care and raised racist and sexist biases in employment.
发表于 2017-6-28 22:55:06 | 显示全部楼层
T2 2:50
T3 2:15
T4 2:35
T5 3:45
T6 2:02
发表于 2017-6-28 22:57:48 | 显示全部楼层
thx a lot
发表于 2017-6-28 23:24:23 | 显示全部楼层

T2 2:49
T3 2:23
T4 2:41
T5 3:34
T6 2:11
发表于 2017-6-28 23:42:07 | 显示全部楼层
T2 3:28
T3 2:27
T4 3:28
T5 4:29
T6 3:04
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