一战失利，二战再来，在此写下新的出师表，以示决心！
为了二战成功，为了我HK MBA的理想，在这里写下二战复习计划，大家可以监督指正，谢谢大家，希望我们可以一起成长！！
| 目标日期 | 10月30日 | |
| 目标： | 1轮 | GWD/OG/PP - RC/CR完全汉化 |
| 2轮 | 考点归位，制作RC/CR省略版本 | |
| 3轮 | 横向比较，逻辑简图，开始SC的复习 | |
| 4轮 | 冲刺，只看文章 |
| GWD | OG | PP | |
| RC | 88 | 60 | 35 |
| CR | 244 | 250 | 68 |
| 优先级 | 1 | 2 | 3 |
| 白班 | 9/60 | 9/60 | 9/60 |
| 夜班 | 27/190 | 27/190 | 27/190 |
| 1轮耗时 | 10+4=14 | 3.5+1.5=5 | 5+2=7天 |
| 起止 | 5.3-6.13-6.25 | 6.26-7.5-7.11 | 7.12-7.17-7.19 |
| 2轮耗时 | 3.25+1.25=5.5 | 2.25+1.5=3.75 | 5+2=7天 |
| 起止 | 7.20-8.2-8.7 | 8.8-8.17-8.23 | 8.24-8.29-8.31 |
首先进入第一轮，我会以日记的形式把每天完成的GWD阅读做一个汉译版的，并贴在下面的帖子中，强迫自己踏实的进行完全的精读练习，欢迎大家跟贴讨论！！
4月28日 4篇
War) political history and women’s his-
tory use separate sources and focus
on separate issues.
美国内战前的时期，政治历史与妇女历史所使用的资源以及所关注的焦点问题是不同的。
Political historians, examining sources such as voting
records, newspapers, and politicians’
writings, focus on the emergence in the
1840’s of a new “American political
nation,” and since women were neither
(10) voters nor politicians, they receive little
discussion.
政治历史学家所研究的资源是例如选举纪录，新闻报纸，以及一些政治家的著作，所关注的是1840年新的‘美国政治国家’的出现，并且，因为当时妇女既不是选民也不是政治家，所以她们只得到较少的关注。
Women’s historians, meanwhile, have shown little interest in the
subject of party politics, instead draw-
ing on personal papers, legal records
(15) such as wills, and records of female
associations to illuminate women’s
domestic lives, their moral reform
activities, and the emergence of the
woman’s rights movement. （两种历史学家不同的观点）
其间的妇女历史学家们，对于党派政治则没有什么兴趣，相反，他们关注于个人自传，合法的纪录例如遗嘱，以及妇联对于妇女们的家庭生活的说明的纪录，她们的精神改善的活动和女权运动的出现。
(20) However, most historians have
underestimated the extent and significance of women’s political allegiance
in the antebellum period.
然而，大部分的历史学家们都低估了内战前妇女们对于政治的忠诚的程度以及意义。
For example,in the presidential election campaigns
(25) of the 1840’s, the Virginia Whig party
strove to win the allegiance of
women by inviting them to rallies and
speeches.
例如，在1840年的总统竞选活动中，V W党派通过邀请妇女们参加他们的集会以及演讲来努力赢得V妇女们的支持。
According to Whig propaganda, women who turned out at the
(30) party’s rallies gathered information
that enabled them to mold party-loyal
families, reminded men of moral values
that transcended party loyalty, and conferred moral standing on the party.
按照W党派的宣传，出现在党派集会上负责收集信息的妇女们能够使得她们塑造对党派忠诚的家庭成员，也能够提醒男士们一种超越了党派忠诚的道德价值观，并且还能够在党派的授予道德名望。
(35) Virginia Democrats, in response,
began to make similar appeals to
women as well.
VD，作为回应，也开始对妇女们提供同样的吸引。
By the mid-1850’s
the inclusion of women in the rituals of
party politics had become common-
(40) place, and the ideology that justified
such inclusion had been assimilated
by the Democrats.（被忽略的妇女政治忠诚）
到了19世纪50年代中期的时候，妇女们参与到党派政治的仪式已经变得很平常了，并且对于这种参与的意识形态已经为D们所吸收。
stretches of salmon habitat have
been eliminated by human activity:
Line mining, livestock
grazing, timber
(5) harvesting, and agriculture as well
as recreational and urban devel-
opment.
在过去的150年里，大马哈鱼栖息地的范围因人类的活动诸如采矿，家畜的放养，木材的砍伐，以及农业休闲和城镇开发用地而大幅度消失了。
The numerical effect is
obvious: there are fewer salmon
in degraded regions than in pristine ones;
数字上的影响十分的明显：受影响区域的大马哈鱼要比未受影响的区域少得多。
however, habitat loss
also has the potential to reduce
genetic diversity.
然而，栖息地的减少同样也潜在的较少了基因的多样性。
This is most
evident in cases where it results
in the extinction of entire salmon
populations.
这在那些因此而导致的全部的大马哈鱼灭绝的地方是非常明显的。
Indeed, most
analysts believe that some kind
of environmental degradation
underlies the demise of many
extinct salmon populations.
确实，大部分分析家相信一些环境的恶化是导致大量灭绝的大马哈鱼死亡的基础。
(20) Although some rivers have
been recolonized, the unique
genes of the original populations
have been lost.
（提出现象：数量减少，基因多样性下降，因为环境问题）
尽管一些河流被重新开拓，但最初的唯一的基因已经消失了。
Large-scale disturbances in
(25) one locale
also have the potential
to alter the genetic structure of
populations in neighboring areas,
even if those areas have pristine
habitats.
一个区域的大规模的骚乱同样可能会潜在的改变其相邻区域的成员的基因结构，即使这些区域是未受到恶化的。
Why? Although the
(30) homing
instinct of salmon to their
natal stream is strong, a fraction
of the fish returning from the sea
(rarely more than 15 percent)
stray and spawn in nearby
(35) streams.
为什么呢？尽管，使得大马哈鱼回到他们出生地的自导引的本能很强，但是一小部分在回程中的鱼（大约为15%）会在其附近的水域中迷路或产卵。
Low levels of straying
are crucial, since the process
provides a source of novel
genes and a mechanism
by which a location can be
(40) repopulated should the fish
there disappear.
低程度的迷路非常重要，因为该过程提供一种新的基因和机构使得那些鱼儿消失的区域可以被重新入住。
Yet high rates
of straying can be problematic
because misdirected fish may
interbreed with the existing stock
(45) to such a degree that any local
adaptations that are present
become diluted.
然而，大量的鱼儿迷路将会带来很大的问题，因为迷路的鱼会与那些已经当地血统的鱼进行杂交到一个使得本地鱼存在的特征被冲淡的程度。
Straying
rates remain relatively low when
environmental conditions are
(50) stable, but can increase dramatically when streams suffer severe
disturbance.
当环境的情况比较稳定时，迷路的比例还是相对较低的，但是当河流遭受严重的扰动时，这个比例会非常明显的增加。
The 1980 volcanic
eruption of
for example, sent mud and debris
(55) into several tributaries of the
例如，1980年的MSH的火山爆发将很多的泥浆和碎片送到哥伦比亚河的几条支流中。
For the next
couple of years, steelhead trout
(a species included among the
salmonids) returning from the
(60) sea to spawn were forced to
find alternative streams.
在接下来的二年里,从大海里返回产卵的st(大马哈鱼的一种)就需要找到其他代替的流域.
As a consequence, their rates of
straying, initially 16 percent,
rose to more than 40 percent
(65) overall.(另外后果及原因:干扰同样导致基因结构变化，因为洄游路线频率上升)
其中一个后果就是,他们迷路的比例从原有的16%升到了40%.
Although no one has quantified
changes in the rate of straying
as a result of the disturbances
caused by humans, there is no
(70) reason to suspect that the effect
would be qualitatively different
than what was seen in the
aftermath of the
Helens eruption.
尽管没有人量化因为人类的骚扰而迷路的比例的变更,但没有理由怀疑这个效果会在本质上与MSH火山爆发那次所带来的后果有什么不同.
Such a dra-
(75) matic increase in straying from
damaged areas to more pristine
streams results in substantial
gene flow, which can in turn lower
the overall fitness of subsequent
generations.(最终结果：后代适应性变差)
这种明显的恶化的区域比未受恶化的区域的迷路的增加导致了实质上的基因的变动,而这种变动也相应的降低了后代的适应性.
Recently biologists have been
interested in a tide-associated
periodic behavior displayed by
Line the diatom Hantzschia virgata, a
(5) microscopic golden-brown alga that
inhabits that portion of a shoreline
washed by tides (the intertidal zone).
最近生物学家对一种HV的藻所显示的与潮汐的周期有关的行为变化产生了兴趣,这种用显微镜可见的金褐色的藻栖息于一部分为潮汐所冲刷出的海岸线上.
Diatoms of this species, sometimes
called “commuter” diatoms, remain
(10) burrowed in the sand during high
tide, and emerge on the sand sur-
face during the daytime low tide.
这种藻,有时被称为”通勤者”属,在涨潮时留在沙滩的地洞中,在白天落潮时则出现在沙滩表面上.
Just before the sand is inundated by
the rising tide, the diatoms burrow
again.
在沙滩被涨潮的水淹没前会回到洞穴中.
Some scientists hypothesize
that commuter diatoms know that it
is low tide because they sense an
environmental change, such as an
alteration in temperature or a change
(20) in pressure caused by tidal move-
ment.
一些科学家猜测,这种藻知道当前是落潮是因为对当前环境变化的感知,例如因潮汐移动而导致的温度或气压的变化
However, when diatoms are
observed under constant conditions
in a laboratory, they still display
periodic behavior, continuing to bur-
(25) row on schedule for several weeks.
然而,当这种藻处在实验室中相对稳定的环境条件中时,他们仍然显现周期性的行为,仍然在几周内会在既定的时间里进入洞穴.
This indicates that commuter diatoms,
rather than relying on environmental
cues to keep time, possess an internal pacemaker or biological clock
(30) that enables them to anticipate peri-
odic changes in the environment.
这指出了这种藻并非是依靠对周围环境的暗示来保持周期的,而是他们拥有一种内部的起搏器或是生物钟来使得他们能够预期周期性的环境的变化.
A commuter diatom has an unusu-
ally accurate biological clock, a
consequence of the unrelenting
(35)
environmental pressures to which
it is subjected; any diatoms that do
not burrow before the tide arrives
are washed away.(提出现象及其研究)
这种藻拥有非常与众不同的精准的生物钟. 一种不受制于任何环境压力的生物钟;任何不在涨潮时进入洞穴中的都会被冲走.
This is not to suggest that the
(40) period of this biological clock is
immutably fixed.
这并不表示这种生物钟的周期是固定的永恒不变的.
Biologists have
concluded that even though a
diatom does not rely on the envi-
ronment to keep time, environmental
(45) factors—including changes in the
tide’s hydrostatic pressure, salinity, mechanical agitation, and
temperature—can alter the period
of its biological clock according to
(50) changes in the tidal cycle.
生物学家认定,即使这种藻不是依照周围环境的变化来保持周期的,但环境因素-包括潮汐的静体力学压力的变化,盐度,机械的搅动以及温度-根据潮汐的周期的变化可能会改变它的生物钟的周期.
In short,
the relation between an organism’s
biological clock and its environment
is similar to that between a wristwatch
and its owner: the owner cannot
(55) make the watch run faster or slower,
but can reset the hands.
简单的说,一个生物体的生物钟和他所处的环境的关系类似于腕表和他的主人:主人不能让她的表走得更快或更慢,但是可以重新设置它的指针.
However,
this relation is complicated in intertidal
dwellers such as commuter diatoms
by the fact that these organisms are
(60) exposed to the solar-day cycle as
well as to the tidal cycle, and some-
times display both solar-day and
tidal periods in a single behavior.
然而,这种关系对于位于高低潮线之间的居民则要复杂得多,例如这种藻,事实上这些生物体是同时暴露在太阳日的周期以及潮汐周期之中的,并且有时候在同一个行为中显示两种周期.
Commuter diatoms, for example,
(65) emerge only during those low tides
that occur during the day.(环境因素对其生物钟的影响)
例如,通勤者属藻只在白天的那些落潮的时候才会出现.
competitive scrutiny is typically
limited to suppliers of items that are
directly related to end products.
在企业采购中,竞争的详细审查经常仅局限于那些直接与最终产品相关的供应商们.
(5) With “indirect” purchases (such as
computers, advertising, and legal
services), which are not directly
related to production, corporations
often favor “supplier partnerships”
(10) (arrangements in which the
purchaser forgoes the right to
pursue alternative suppliers), which
can inappropriately shelter suppliers
from rigorous competitive scrutiny
(15) that might afford the purchaser
economic leverage.
对于那些例如电脑,广告以及合法服务的”间接”采购,公司通常喜欢”供应商合作”(采购者放弃二选一供应商原则的一种安排),这种安排会将那些供应商从本应该参加的能够提供求购者经济杠杆作用的严格的竞争详细审查中不适当的规避出去.
There are two
independent variables—availability
of alternatives and ease of changing
suppliers—that companies should
(20) use to evaluate the feasibility of
subjecting suppliers of indirect
purchases to competitive scrutiny.
存在2种相互独立的变数-二选一方法的实用性和更换供应商的不费力-可以使得公司来评定是否需要间接采购的供应商参加竞争详细审查.
This can create four possible
situations.(非直接采购以及四种情况)
这可以产生四种可能的情况.
(25) In Type 1 situations, there are
many alternatives and change is
relatively easy. Open pursuit of
alternatives—by frequent com-
petitive bidding, if possible—will
(30) likely yield the best results.
第一种情况,存在很多的替代者并且改变会相对容易一些.对所有可替代者进行公开的采购,通过经常的竞争性的议价,可以产生最好的结果.
In Type 2 situations, where there
are many alternatives but change
is difficult—as for providers of
employee health-care benefits—it
(35)
is important to continuously test
the market and use the results to
secure concessions from existing
suppliers.
第二种情况,存在较多的替代者但是变化相对较不易-例如提供给雇员的卫生保健利益-不间断的考察市场以及使用这些结果来使得现有的供应商可靠的让步.
Alternatives provide a
credible
threat to suppliers, even if
(40) the ability to switch is constrained.
替代者将给予现有供应商以可靠的威胁,即使转换的能力不是很舒服.
In Type 3 situations, there ate few
alternatives, but the ability to switch
without difficulty creates a threat that
companies can use to negotiate
(45) concessions from existing suppliers.
第三种情况,存在很少的替代者但是转换的能力没有困难,这将产生一种威胁使得公司可以利用它来与现有供应商进行谈判使之让步.
In Type 4 situations, where there
are few alternatives and change
is difficult, partnerships may be
unavoidable.(四种情形的分别讨论)
第四种情况,存在较少的替代者并且变化也较困难,合作将是不可避免的.
其实不用全部翻译，每种类型的翻译一两篇，看一下出题点和规律就ok。。
其实我也把这当成是一个考验自己是否能够有恒心的过程，希望可以靠积累创造出奇迹，不过，still thanks for your advice!!
4月30日
The traditional model of employer-employee relations in the
“psychological contract” in which employees made long-term commitments to
organizations in exchange for long-term job security, training and development, and
internal opportunities for promotion.
在美国，雇主和雇员的关系是建立在一份心理上的合同之上的，雇员向公司做一份长期的承诺以交换可以得到长期的工作保障，培训以及内部提升的机会。
Beginning mainly with the recession in the early
1970’s, this paradigm began to unravel. Organizations began using extensive
downsizing
and outsourcing to decrease the number of permanent employees in the workforce.
在20世纪70年代初的工商业不景气时期，这种范例开始被拆开来看。公司开始通过大范围的裁员以及空降来减少劳动力中的那些元老雇员。
Among employees this situation has resulted in a decided shift in desire: in stead of Entrepreneurship at the small business administration are now the fastest-growing majors in business schools.
在雇员中，这种情形导致一种期望上的坚决的改变：代替以前希望在公司内得到出路的是现在希望在公司外可以的到出路。小型企业管理层中的企业家们现在是快速成长的商校精英们。
Several factors have generated movement from the old paradigm to the new one. Organizations have had legitimate and pressing reasons to shift to a new paradigm of employer-employee relations. Large numbers of permanent employees make it difficult for organizations to respond quickly to downturns in demand by decreasing payroll costs.
有几方面因素导致了这种变化。企业出于合法的以及压力的原因而做出了这种雇主和雇员之间关系的改变。大量的元老雇员是他们难以响应这低迷的时期并做出节约成本的改善。
The enormous rights in wrongful
discharge
suites has created incentives for organizations to use temporary, contract, and leased employees in order to distance themselves from potential litigation problems.
在不正当的解雇随员的方面的巨大的权利已成为一种激励使公司去聘用临时工，合同工以及租赁工人来远离潜在的诉讼问题。
Moreover, top management is under increased pressure from shareholders to generate higher and higher levels of return on investment in the short run, resulting in declines in hiring, increases in layoffs, and shortage of funds for employee development.
此外，管理高层迫于来自股东方面的要求在短时间内带来更高水平的回报的不断增长的压力从而导致雇员的减少，失业率的增加，以及薪水资金的缺乏。
At the same time, a lack of forthrightness on the part of organizations has led to increased cynicism among employees about management’s motivation and competence. Employees are now working 15 percent more hours per week than they were 20 years ago, but organizations acknowledge this fact only by running stress-management workshops to help employees to cope.
同时，公司缺乏通路而导致雇员对管理层的动机和能力感到不屑一顾。现在雇员每周比起20年前要多工作15%的时间，但是公司对这方面的认知仅仅是给予公司雇员压力管理方面的培训以使其能股适应。
Sales people are being asked to increase sales at the same time organizations have cut travel, phone, and advertising budgets. Employees could probably cope effectively with changes in the psychological contract if organizations were more forthright about how they were changing it.
销售人员在公司要求缩减旅行，电话以及广告费用预算的前提下被要求增加销售额。如果公司能够坦白的告知他们正如何改变这种合同，一些雇员们也许可以更加适应这种在心理合同上的改变。
But the euphemistic
jargon used by executives to justify the changes they were implementing frequently backfires; rather than engendering
sympathy for management’s position, it spark employees’ desire to be free of the organization all together.
但是管理层在评价他们正在实行的那些改变时所使用的委婉的行话却往往事与愿违；他们鼓舞了雇员们的希望可以摆脱企业而不是对管理者们予以同情。
In a recent study of employees’ attitudes about management, 49 percent of the sample strongly agreed that “management will take advantage of you if given the chance.”
在最近的一项雇员对管理层的态度的调研中显示，49%的样本支持如果能够给予机会的话管理将有利于我们。
by David Mckay began studying the
meteorite ALH84001, which had been
discovered in
1994年，由DM带领的一组科学家开始对1984年在南极洲发现的陨星A展开研究。
(5) Two years later, the McKay team
announced that ALH84001, which
scientists generally agree originated
on Mars, contained compelling evi-
dence that life once existed on Mars.
两年后，M的团队声称，科学家们广泛承认来自于火星的A包含引人注目的证据显示火星上曾经有生命体存在。
(10) This evidence includes the discovery
of organic molecules in ALH84001,
the first ever found in Martian rock.
Organic molecules—complex, carbon-
based compounds—form the basis for
(15) terrestrial life.
这个证据包括在A上发现的生物体分子是第一次在火星的岩石上发现。这个有复杂的碳元素构成生物体分子是一个陆地生物的组成部分。
The organic molecules
found in ALH84001 are polycyclic aro-
matic hydrocarbons, or PAH’s. When
microbes die, their organic material
often decays into PAH’s. M的发现：火星上有生命
这个在A上发现的生物体分子是多轮芬芳碳氢化合物或者是PAH。当一个微生物死去时，他们的器官组织通常会腐烂在PAH中。
(20) Skepticism about the McKay team’s
claim remains, however. For example,
ALH84001 has been on earth for
13,000 years, suggesting to some
scientists that its PAH’s might have
(25) resulted from terrestrial contamination.
然而，对M的团队的声明保持怀疑者仍然存在。例如，A已经在地球上13000年，这向一些科学家们说明它的PAH可能来自于陆地上的的污染物。
However, McKay’s team has demon-
strated that the concentration of PAH’s
increases as one looks deeper into
ALH84001, contrary to what one would
(30) expect from terrestrial contamination.
然而，M的团队已经论证了当人们更深层次的观察A的PAH的浓度的增长时，它是有别于陆地上的污染物的。
The skeptic’s strongest argument,
however, is that processes unrelated
to organic life can easily produce all
the evidence found by McKay’ steam,
(35) including PAH’s.
然而，怀疑者们最强的声音是那些与生命体不相关的过程可以轻易的制造出所有由M团队所发现的证据。
For example, star
formation produces PAH’s. Moreover,
PAH’s frequently appear in other
meteorites, and no one attributes
their presence to life processes.
例如，星体的结构制造了PAH。此外，PAH也经常出现在其他的陨星之上，但从没有人将之用在考察生命体的存在研究方面。
(40) Yet McKay’s team notes that the
particular combination of PAH’s
in ALH84001 is more similar to the
combinations produced by decaying
organisms than to those originating
form nonbiological processes.
对M理论的怀疑
然而，M的土堆指出A中PAH的特殊组成比起那些非起源于生命体的组成来说，与生物体腐烂后的组成更相似。
In its 1903 decision in the case
of Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock, the United
States Supreme Court rejected the
efforts of three Native American tribes
(5) to prevent the opening of tribal lands
to non-Indian settlement without tribal
consent.
在1903年的LWH案件中，美国最高法院否决了3名美国原著民的关于阻止在未得到部落的同意的前提下不得向非原著民开放部落领地的决议。
In his study of the Lone
Wolf case, Blue Clark properly
emphasizes the Court’s assertion
(10) of a virtually unlimited unilateral power
of Congress (the House of Represen-
tatives and the Senate) over Native
American affairs.
在BC对于LW案件的研究中，他完全强调法庭的裁决是对于美国原著民事件，国会的一种实际上的无限制的单方面的权力。
But he fails to note
the decision’s more far-reaching
(15) impact: shortly after Lone Wolf, the
federal government totally abandoned
negotiation and execution of formal
written agreements with Indian tribes
as a prerequisite for the implemen-
(20) tation of federal Indian policy.
但是他没有指出此项决定的更深远的影响：LW事件后的不长时间，联邦政府就完全抛弃了以与印第安部落的之间的协商以及执行正式的书面规定为执行联邦印第安政策的先决条件。
Many
commentators believe that this change
had already occurred in 1871 when—
following a dispute between the
House and the Senate over which
(25) chamber should enjoy primacy in
Indian affairs—Congress abolished
the making of treaties with Native
American tribes.
很多的评论家相信，这项变化自1871年白宫与议会就哪个部门应该享有处理印第安事务的主导权的问题展开争论时就已经开始。议会废黜了与印第安部落签订的条约。
But in reality the
federal government continued to nego-
(30) tiate formal tribal agreements past
the turn of the century, treating these
documents not as treaties with sover-
eign nations requiring ratification by the
Senate but simply as legislation to be
(35) passed by both houses of Congress.
但实际上，联邦政府在过去的一个世纪里仍旧在继续与印第安部落协商正式的部落条约。
The Lone Wolf decision ended this
era of formal negotiation and finally
did away with what had increasingly
become the empty formality of obtain-
ing tribal consent.
LW的决议结束了这段正式协商的时期并最终使得需取得印第安部落的同意这一已经逐渐沦为空的形式的远去。
Why firms adhere to or deviate
from their strategic plans is poorly
understood. However, theory and
limited research suggest that the
(5) process through which such plans
emerge may play a part.
为什么公司要坚持或者偏离他们的策略计划这一事情并没有得到很好的理解。然而，理论以及有限的实践证明这些计划形成的过程可能在其中起了很多的一部分作用。
In particular,
top management decision-sharing—
consensus-oriented, team-based
decision-making—may increase the
(10) likelihood that firms will adhere to their
plans, because those involved in the
decision-making may be more committed to the chosen course of action,
thereby increasing the likelihood that
(15) organizations will subsequently adhere
to their plans.提出问题并解释
特殊的，管理高层的基于多数人同意导向的决定或是基于小组合作的决定都可能增加公司将坚持他们的计划的可能性，因为这些参与制定决策的人可能更加专注于行动的选取过程，因此增加了公司随后坚持他们决定的可能性。
However, the relationship between
top management decision-sharing and
adherence to plans may be affected
(20) by a firm’s strategic mission (its fundamental approach to increasing
sales revenue and market share, and
generating cash flow and short-term
profits).
然而，高层决策者和对计划地坚持之间的关系可能受到公司的决策任务的影响（增加销售额以及市场份额，产生现金流以及短期的效益这些基本的方式）。
At one end of the strategic
(25) mission continuum, “build” strategies
are pursued when a firm desires to
increase its market share and is willing
to sacrifice short-term profits to do so.
在决策任务这一端，当公司希望增加他的市场份额以及自愿牺牲短期的利润来来实现他时，就开始要求制定策略。
At the other end, “harvest” strategies
(30) are used when a firm is willing to
sacrifice marked share for short-term
profitability and cash-flow maximiza-
tion.
在另一端，当一个公司自愿牺牲市场份额来实现短期的利润以及最小化现金流时，开始要求收获策略。
Research and theory suggest
that top management decision-sharing
(35)
may have a more positive relationship
with adherence to plans among firms
with harvest strategies than among
firms with build strategies.
研究和理论表明，高管的共有决定比起那些制定策略型的公司而言，对那些收获型策略的公司在坚持计划方面有一个更正向的关系。
In a study
of strategic practices in several large
(40) firms, managers in harvest strategy
scenarios were more able to adhere
to their business plans.
在一项对几个大公司的策略实践的研究中显示，那些收获型策略想定的经理人们更能够坚持他们的运作计划。
As one of the
managers in the study explained it,
this is partly because “[t]ypically all a
(45) manager has to do [when implementing
a harvest strategy] is that which was
done last year.”
正如一位研究中的经理解释说，这部分主要是因为当执行一项收获型策略时一位经理人所有要做的就是那些去年已经做过了的。
Additionally, man-
agers under harvest strategies may
have fewer strategic options than do
(50) those under build strategies; it may
therefore be easier to reach agree-
ment on a particular course of action
through decision-sharing, which will
in turn tend to promote adherence
(55) to plans.
此外，比起那些制定型策略的经理人们来说，收获型策略的经理人们将面临更少的策略供选择；这可能就某一特定的议题更加容易达成共识，也更容易促使坚持计划。
Conversely, in a “build”
strategy scenario, individual leader-
ship, rather than decision-sharing,
may promote adherence to plans.
相反的是，在制定型策略的想定中，个人的领导力而非公有决策更加能够促使对计划地坚持。
Build strategies—which typically
(60) require leaders with strong perso-
nal visions for a firm’s future, rather
than the negotiated compromise
of the team-based decision—may
be most closely adhered to when
(65) implemented in the context of a clear
strategic vision of an individual leader,
rather than through the practice of
decision-sharing.在两种战略影响下
制定型策略，主要要求领导人拥有很强的个人对公司将来的愿景，而不是以团队为基础的沟通妥协，但其当在一位个人领导人的清晰的策略愿景下而非通过共有的决策的实施，执行起来更容易被坚持。
Historians who study European
women of the Renaissance try to mea-
sure “independence,” “options,” and
other indicators of the degree to which
(5) the expression of women’s individuality
was either permitted or suppressed.
研究欧洲文艺复兴时期的妇女们的历史学家们总试图去衡量独立，选择权以及其他一些表达妇女们个性指标的度来判断这些事被许可的还是被禁止的。
Influenced by Western individualism,
these historians define a peculiar form
of personhood: an innately
bounded
(10) unit, autonomous and standing apart
from both nature and society.
受西方个人主义的影响，这些历史学家们对人格有一个特殊形式的定义：一种与生俱来的有限制的单元，自治的并且立于自然和社会之外。
An
anthropologist, however, would contend
that a person can be conceived in ways
other than as an “individual.”
然而，一位人类学家认为一个人可以以非个体的形式来构成。
In many
societies a person’s identity is not
intrinsically unique and self-contained
but instead is defined within a complex
web of social relationships.
人类学家的观点
在很多的社会里，一个人的身份并非固有唯一的以及独立的，相反是在一个复杂的社会关系网里被定义。
In her study of the fifteenth-century
(20) Florentine widow Alessandra Strozzi, a
historian who specializes in European
women of the Renaissance attributes
individual intention and authorship of
actions to her subject.
在她的对19世纪佛罗伦萨寡妇AS的研究中表明一位专注于文艺复兴时期欧洲妇女研究的历史学家将他个人的意愿个人生活的情节归到了她的课题中。
This historian
assumes that Alessandra had goals
and interests different from those of her
sons, yet much of the historian’s own
research reveals that Alessandra
acted primarily as a champion of her
(30) sons’ interests, taking their goals as
her own.
这位历史学家猜想A的目标与兴趣与她的儿子不同，然而，很多这位历史学家的研究都显示A是她儿子兴趣的主要的拥护者并且将他的目标也当成是自己的。
Thus Alessandra conforms
more closely to the anthropologist’s
notion that personal motivation is
embedded in a social context.
因此，A与人类学家的观念更加一致，也就是个人的动机是包含在整个社会的关系中的。
Indeed,
(35) one could argue that Alessandra did
not distinguish her personhood from
that of her sons.
确实，人们可以争议A并没有区分清她和她儿子的个性。
In Renaissance
(40) and closed and did not necessarily
coincide with the boundaries of
the bodily self.
在欧洲的文艺复兴时期，概念上的自我的边界并不总是被分得很清并且也并不需要与肉体上的自我的边界保持一致。
Many scholars have theorized that
老观点
economic development, particularly
industrialization and urbanization, con-
tributes to the growth of participatory
(5) democracy;
很多的学者已形成理论道，经济的发展尤其是工业化和都市化的发展，为工人分享的民主主义的成长做出了贡献。
according to this theory, it
would seem logical that women would
both demand and gain suffrage in ever
greater numbers whenever economic
development expanded their economic
(10) opportunities.
根据这个理论，无论经济增长有未给她们带来更多的经济机会，妇女可以要求并获得更多的选举权是完全符合逻辑的。
However, the economic否定老观点
development theory is inadequate to
explain certain historical facts about the
implementation of women’s suffrage.
然而，经济的发展理论还不足以解释妇女选举权的执行这一特定的历史事件。
For example, why was women’s suf-
(15) frage, instituted nationally in the United
States in 1920, not instituted nationally
in
例如，为什么妇女的选举权在美国1920年开始在全国执行，而瑞士要到1970才开始？
Industrialization was well advanced in both
countries by 1920: over 33 percent
(20) of American workers were employed
in various industries, as compared
to 44 percent of Swiss workers.
在1920年，两个国家的工业化都被很好地推动着：33%的美国人被不同的企业所雇用，与之相比，瑞士工人为44%。
Granted,
States diverged in the degree to
(25) which the expansion of industry coin-
cided with the degree of urbanization:
only 29 percent of the Swiss population
lived in cities of 10,000 or more inhabi-
tants by 1920.
得同意的是，瑞士和美国在工业与都市化程度的统一上还是有差距的：在1920年，只有29%的瑞士人口居住在10000人以上的城镇中。
However, urbanization
(30) cannot fully explain women’s suffrage.
Within the
for example, only less urbanized
states had granted women suffrage.
然而，都市化不能完全的解释妇女的选举权。例如，在美国1920年以前，只有很少的都市化的州准许妇女的选举权。
Similarly, less urbanized countries
(35) such as
voting rights for women long before
与此相似的是，在瑞士之前，只有很少的象G以及C等都市化的国家拥有妇女的选举权。
It is true that
subdivisions) generally enacted
women’s suffrage legislation earlier
than did rural cantons.
诚然，瑞士都市化的州要早于那些乡下的州为妇女的选举权进行立法这也是事实。
However,these cantons often shared other
characteristics—similar linguistic back-
grounds and strong leftist parties—that
may help to explain this phenomenon.
然而，这些州也拥有其他的一些相似的特征-相似的语言背景以及强盛的左派政党，这些也都可以解释这种现象。
Many managers are influenced by
dangerous myths about pay that lead
to counterproductive
反生产的，使达不到预期目标的
decisions about
how their companies compensate
employees.
许多的经理人被那些危险的荒诞的论调所影响-关于如何来补偿公司员工的那些反生产的决定。
(5) One such myth is that
labor rates, the rate per hour paid to
workers, are identical with labor costs,
the money spent on labor in relation to
the productivity of the labor force.
其中的一种论调是labor rates –每小时付给工人工钱的比率-是与生产成本相同的，付给工人的工钱是与劳动力的生产力相关的。
(10) This myth leads to the assumption that
a company can simply lower its labor
costs by cutting wages.
这种论点可推出一种假设即一个公司可以简单的通过削减工资来降低劳动成本。
But labor
costs and labor rates are not in fact
the same: one company could pay
(15) its workers considerably more than
another and yet have lower labor
costs if that company’s productivity
were higher due to the talent of its
workforce, the efficiency of its work
(20) processes, or other factors.
但是，劳动成本与labor rates事实上并不相同：一个公司可以付给他的工人相当其他公司更多的报酬，如果该公司因为拥有更多的有才干的员工或生产流程更加有效等其他原因从而得到生产力上的提升的话。
(21) The
confusion of costs with rates persists partly because labor rates are
a convenient target for managers who
want to make an impact on their company’s budgets.
对于成本及工资率之间关系的这种混淆之所以能够持续下来部分是因为如果公司的经理人要压缩预算的话，labor rates是非常方便有效的一项指标。
(25) Because labor rates
are highly visible, managers can easily
compare their company’s rates with
those of competitors.
因为工资率非常容易可见，所以经理人会很容易的将其公司与其他的竞争者对其进行比较。
Furthermore,
labor rates often appear to be a
(30) company’s most malleable financial
variable: cutting wages appears an
easier way to control costs than such
options as reconfiguring work processes or altering product design.
现象及其原因
(35)
此外，
工资率也经常是一个公司的非常有弹性的一项财经指标：相比重新配置工作流程或者更该产品的设计来说，削减薪水更容易达到控制成本的作用。
The myth that labor rates and labor
costs are equivalent is supported by
business journalists, who frequently
confound the two.
对于工资率与劳动成本相等的论调通常被那些经常将两者混淆的商业记者们所推崇。
For example, prominent business journals often remark on
(40) the “high” cost of German labor, citing
as evidence the average amount paid
to German workers.
例如，优秀的商业周刊经常评价德国劳动力的高成本，并引以德国员工的平均薪水为证据。
The myth is also
perpetuated by the compensation-
consulting industry, which has its own
(45) incentives to keep such myths alive.
这种论调同样在赔偿咨询行业中永存，当然他们有他们自己的目的。
First, although some of these con-
sulting firms have recently broadened
their practices beyond the area of
compensation, their mainstay con-
(50) tinues to be advising companies on
changing their compensation prac-
tices.
首先，一些咨询公司最近扩大了其赔偿的范围，他们的支柱仍然是继续向公司么建议改变他们的赔偿管理。
Suggesting that a company’s
performance can be improved in
some other way than by altering its
(55) pay system may be empirically cor-
rect but contrary to the consultants’
interests.
这说明公司们的表现可以通过改变他们的薪酬系统来得到提升经验上是正确的，但这并不和那些顾问们的胃口。
Furthermore, changes
to the compensation system may
appear to be simpler to implement
(60) than changes to other aspects of an
organization, so managers are more
likely to find such advice from con-
sultants palatable.
此外，对薪酬系统的改变比起对一个组织的其他方面的改变也许更容易执行，因此，经历人们更喜欢顾问们的在这方面的意见。
Finally, to the
extant that changes in compensation
(65) create new problems, the consultants
will continue to have work solving the
problems that result from their advice.
为什么会存在这种现象
最后，对薪酬系统的改变到了一定的程度后会带来新的问题，顾问们将对那些因来自他们的意见而产生的问题们继续寻求解决的办法。
In addition to conventional
galaxies, the universe contains
very dim
galaxies that until
recently went unnoticed by
(5) astronomers.
除了传统的星系之外，宇宙还包括非常暗淡的星系直到今天仍不被天文学家们所发现。
(6) Possibly as
numerous as conventional gal-
axies, these galaxies have the
same general shape and even
the same approximate number
(10)
of stars as a common type of
conventional galaxy, the spiral,
but tend to be much larger.
也许与传统的星系一样众多，这些星系与普通的星系拥有同样的基本的外形和几乎同样数量的行星，螺旋形，但可能更加巨大。
Because these galaxies’
mass is spread out over
(15) larger areas, they have far
fewer stars per unit volume
than do conventional galaxies.
因为这些星系的大多数都伸展到一个更大的区域，比起普通的星系来说他们单位体积拥有更少的行星。
Apparently these low-surface-
brightness galaxies, as they
(20) are called, take much longer
than conventional galaxies to
condense their primordial gas
and convert it to stars—that is,
they evolve much more slowly.
暗星系的发现及其特征
很明显的事，这些所谓的表面低亮度的星系比起普通的星系来说需要花费更长的时间来压缩他们的原始的气体并将其转变为行星，也就是他们发展的非常缓慢。
(25) These galaxies may
constitute an answer to the longstanding puzzle of the missing
baryonic mass in the universe.
这些星系也许将为宇宙中那些丢失的重子们这一长久的迷题提供答案。
Baryons—subatomic particles
(30) that are generally protons or
neutrons—are the source of
stellar, and therefore galactic,
luminosity, and so their numbers
can be estimated based on how
(35) luminous galaxies are.
重子-中子和质子等小于原子的颗粒是恒星因此也就是星系，发光度的来源，并且因此他们的数量可以由星系的亮度来估计。
(36) However, the amount of helium
in the universe, as measured
by spectroscopy, suggests
that there are far more baryons
(40) in the universe than estimates
based on galactic luminosity
indicate.
然而，由光谱学所得到的宇宙中氦的数量证明了在宇宙中还存在相比基于星系亮度所推算出的数量更多的重子。
Astronomers have
long speculated that the missing
baryonic mass might eventually
(45) be discovered in intergalactic
space or as some large popu-
lation of galaxies that are difficult
to detect.
此发现的应用
天文学家长久以来推测那些丢失的重子也许最终会在星系之间交接部分的空间内或者在一些类似于其他大量的难以被发现的星系中被找到。
Behavior science courses should
be gaining prominence in business
school curricula.
行为科学课程可以显著的在商学院的课程中被获得。
Recent theoretical
work convincingly shows why behav-
(5) ioral factors such as organizational
culture and employee relations are
among the few remaining sources of
sustainable competitive advantage in
modern organizations.
最近，理论工作确信的显示为什么在现代企业中行为方面例如组织文化以及员工关系仍然作为为数不多的几个可持续竞争优势的来源。
Furthermore,
(10) empirical evidence demonstrates
clear linkages between human
resource (HR) practices based in
the behavioral sciences and various
aspects of a firm’s financial success.
此外，在以往的经验中也很清晰地证明基于行为科学的HR行为和企业在财经方面的成功之间的联系。
(15) Additionally, some of the world’s most
successful organizations have made
unique HR practices a core element
of their overall business strategies.
结论及其支持论据
此外，一些世界上的非常成功的公司也都制定了一套独一无二的HR政策作为他们公司策略中的一项核心元素。
Yet the behavior sciences
(20) are struggling for credibility in many
business schools.
然而，在很多的商业学校中，行为科学正在为其可信性而挣扎。
Surveys show
that business students often regard
behavioral studies as peripheral to
the mainstream business curriculum.
调查显示，商业学校的学生经常讲行为科学的学习当作主流商业课程的外围课程。
(25) This perception can be explained by
the fact that business students, hoping
to increase their attractiveness to
prospective employers, are highly
sensitive to business norms and
(30) practices, and current business
practices have generally been
moving away from an emphasis on
understanding human behavior and
toward more mechanistic organiza-
(35) tional models.
这种理解可以解释为因为商业学校的学生为了增加他们对更加有前景的雇主的吸引力，而高度重视商业的基础课程及练习，并且，时下的商业课程已经从重视对人行为的理解而转向更多机械的组织模型上来了。
(36) Furthermore, the
status of HR professionals within
organizations tends to be lower
than that of other executives.现状及其论据
此外，HR专业性在组织中的现况比起其它的管理层也趋向更低。
Students’ perceptions would
(40) matter less if business schools
were not increasingly dependent on
external funding—form legislatures,
businesses, and private foundations—
for survival.
如果商业学校没有日益依赖来自于立法，商业的外部资金以及为了生存的私有资金的话，学生们的感觉将不会很介意。
Concerned with their
(45) institutions’ ability to attract funding,
administrators are increasingly tar-
geting low-enrollment courses and
degree programs for elimination.
延伸性内容
解决方案
关心于他们机构的吸引资金的能力，管理者们将日益的致力于除掉那些地录取率的课程以及学位项目。
Most pre-1990 literature on businesses’ use of information technology
(IT)—defined as any form of computer-
based information system—focused on
(5) spectacular IT successes and reflected
a general optimism
concerning IT’s poten-
tial as a resource for creating competitive
advantage.
大部分1990以前的关于信息技术-定义为以任何形式基于计算机的信息系统-的商业用途的著作都专注于精彩的it的成功范例和关于it作为一种产生竞争优势的资源的it潜力的乐观。
But toward the end of the
1980’s, some economists spoke of a
(10) “productivity paradox”: despite huge IT
investments, most notably in the service
sectors, productivity stagnated.
但是，到了1980年底，一些经济学家开始宣传一种生产力矛盾说：尽管大规模的it投资，在服务领域取得大量的成功，但是生产力却在停滞不前。
In the
retail industry, for example, in which IT
had been widely adopted during the
(15) 1980’s, productivity (average output per
hour) rose at an average annual rate of
1.1 percent between 1973 and 1989, com-
pared with 2.4 percent in the preceding
25-year period.
例如在在80年代it就已被广泛接受的零售行业，生产力相比此前的25年间2.4%的上升比率来说，在1973-1989以每年1.1%上升。
Proponents of IT argued
(20) that it takes both time and a critical mass
of investment for IT to yield benefits, and
some suggested that growth figures for
the 1990’s proved these benefits were
finally being realized.
It的支持者们辩论称需要时间以及一定的投资的量才能产生效益，并且一些人称90年代的增长指标证明了这些效益最终是得以实现的。
They also argued
(25) that measures of productivity ignore what
would have happened without investments
in IT—productivity gains might have been
even lower.
他们还辩论称，对于生产力的计量方法忽视了那些未使用it技术的地方，生产力的增加可能更低。
There were even claims that
IT had improved the performance of the
(30) service sector significantly, although mac-
roeconomic measures of productivity did
not reflect the improvement.
现象及IT支持者的论据
甚至称，it显著的提升了服务部门的表现，虽然微观经济的对生产力的计量并没有反映出这项提升。
But some observers questioned why,
if IT had conferred economic value, it did
(35) not produce direct competitive advantages
for individual firms.
但是，一些观察员质疑说，为什么即使it提升了经济价值，但他并没有对个体公司产生直接的竞争优势呢？
Resource-based
theory offers an answer, asserting that,
in general, firms gain competitive advan-
tages by accumulating resources that are
(40) economically valuable, relatively scarce,
and not easily replicated.
资源基础理论为这个问题提供了答案，基本上公司是通过积累那些具有经济价值，相对稀缺以及不容易被复制的资源从而取得竞争优势的。
According to
a recent study of retail firms, which con-
firmed that IT has become pervasive
and relatively easy to acquire, IT by
(45) itself appeared to have conferred little
advantage.
根据最新的一项对已确定的将it变得普遍的深入并且相对更容易取得数据的零售公司的研究显示，it本身所取得的优势是有限的。
In fact, though little evidence
of any direct effect was found, the frequent negative correlations between IT
and performance suggested that IT had
(50) probably weakened some firms’ competitive positions.
事实上，尽管只有取得有限的直接的优势，对it以及公司表现的频繁的负面的比照表明，it有可能削弱了一些公司的竞争地位。
However表递进, firms’ human
resources, in and of themselves, did
explain improved performance, and
some firms gained IT-related advan-
(55) tages by merging IT with complementary
resources, particularly human resources.
然而，公司的人力资源可以说明了提升的表现，并且一些公司已经通过将it与需要补足的资源尤其是人力资源进行合并而取得了it相关方面的优势。
The findings support the notion, founded
in resource-based theory, that competi-
tive advantages do not arise from easily
(60) replicated resources, no matter how
impressive or economically valuable
they may be, but from complex, intangible resources.
这项发现支持了基于资源基础理论的观点，竞争优势并非来自简单的复制资源，不论多么的吸引人或是具有经济价值，而是来自于复杂的，难以明了的资源。
Even more than mountainside
slides
of mud or snow, naturally occurring forest
fires promote the survival of aspen trees.
比起山腰滑落的泥石或雪流来说，更多的是自然遇到的森林火灾促进了白杨树的生存。
Aspens’ need for fire may seem illogical
(5) since aspens are particularly vulnerable
to fires; whereas the bark of most trees
consists of dead cells, the aspen’s bark
is a living, functioning tissue that—along
with the rest of the tree—succumbs quickly
(10) to fire.提出现象
白杨树对火的需要看起来可能毫无逻辑，因为尤其是白杨树本身会被火攻击；然而很多树的树皮都是由死细胞组成，但白杨是活的，功能组织会和其他一样很快的在火里死去。
The explanation is that each aspen,
while appearing to exist separately as
a single tree, is in fact only the stem or
shoot of a far larger organism.
解释是每一棵白杨，当作为单独的一棵树存在时，它实际上只是一个大的组织系统中的一支茎秆或是嫩芽。
A group
of thousands of aspens can actually
constitute a single organism, called a
clone, that shares an interconnected root
system and a unique set of genes.
一组几千棵的杨树可以组成一个大的称作克隆的组织，他们共享一个互相联结的根和一组唯一的基因。
Thus, when one aspen—a single stem—dies,
(20) the entire clone is affected. While alive,
a stem sends hormones into the root
system to suppress formation of further
stems.
因此，当一棵杨树，一支单独的茎秆死去时，整个的克隆会受到的影响。当活着的时候，一支茎秆向他的根系统传播激素，来抑制其他茎秆的形成。
But when the stem dies, its
hormone signal also ceases.
但是，当这一茎秆死去时，他的激素信号也会同时停止。
If a clone
loses many stems simultaneously, the
resulting hormonal imbalance triggers a
huge increase in new, rapidly growing
shoots that can outnumber the ones
destroyed.
如果一个克隆同时失去了他所有的茎秆，所产生的激素不均衡会触发一次大规模的全新的生长，快速生长的嫩芽甚至会比失去的更多。
An aspen grove needs to
(30) experience fire or some other disturbance
regularly, or it will fail to regenerate and
spread.
一片白杨树林需要有规律的经历几次山火或是其他的干扰，否则他就不能再生以及蔓延。
Instead, coniferous trees will
invade the aspen grove’s borders and
increasingly block out sunlight needed by
the aspens.
解释现象
相反，松树就会侵占白杨树林的边界并且不断的阻挡住白杨生长所需的阳光。
According to a theory advanced
by researcher Paul Martin, the wave
of species extinctions that occurred
in
(5) ago, at the end of the Pleistocene era,
can be directly attributed to the arrival
of humans, i.e., the Paleoindians, who
were ancestors of modern Native
Americans.
根据pm所提出的一项理论称，大约在11000年前，也就是P时代的晚期时在北美发生的物种灭绝的浪潮可以直接归因于人类的到来，也就是现在美国土著的祖先。
However, anthropologist
(10) Shepard Krech points out that large
animal species vanished even in areas
where there is no evidence to demon-
strate that Paleoindians hunted them.
然而，人类学家SK指出某些大型动物的灭绝的地区没有证据可以证明P人曾经涉足过这些区域。
Nor were extinctions confined to large
(15) animals: small animals, plants, and
insects disappeared, presumably not
all through human consumption.
也不只是大型动物：小动物，植物以及昆虫的消失推测起来也该也不全是人类的原因。
Krech
also contradicts Martin’s exclusion of
climatic change as an explanation by
(20) asserting that widespread climatic
change did indeed occur at the end of
the Pleistocene.
K同时质疑 M的关于气候变更的结论，指出大规模的气候变更并没有在]P时期的末期出现。
Still, Krech attributes
secondary if not primary responsibility
for the extinctions to the Paleoindians,
(25) arguing that humans have produced
local extinctions elsewhere.
尽管如此，K的结论对于P时期的灭绝来说如果不是主要原因的话也该是次要的原因，人类至少才其他地方造成了当地区域的灭绝。
But, according to historian Richard White,
even the attribution of secondary
responsibility may not be supported
(30) by the evidence.
但是，根据历史学家RW，可能即使是次要原因也是站不住脚的。
(31) White observes that
Martin’s thesis depends on coinciding
dates for the arrival of humans and the
decline of large animal species, and
Krech, though aware that the dates
(35) are controversial, does not challenge
them;
RW发现，M的理论依靠的是人类到来的时期与大型动物灭绝的时期一致，并且尽管K明白这个时期是有争议的，但是，K并没有去求证他。
yet recent archaeological
discoveries are providing evidence
that the date of human arrival was
much earlier than 11,000 years ago.
然而，最近的人类学家的发现为之提供了线索，人类到来的时间要远早于11000年前。
The sloth bear, an insect-eating
animal native to
behavior that is truly distinct from that of
other bear species:
树懒作为一种食昆虫的尼泊尔的本土的动物，所展现的只有一种行为与其他的熊类同胞不同：
the females carry
(5) their cubs (at least part-time) until the
cubs are about nine months old, even
though the cubs can walk on their own
at six months.
雌性的会背着他们的幼兽知道他们大概9个月大，即使它们在6个月的时候就已经可以自己行走了。
Cub-carrying also occurs
among some other myrmecophagous
(10) (ant-eating) mammals; therefore, one
explanation is that cub-carrying is
necessitated by myrmecophagy, since
myrmecophagy entails a low metabolic
rate and high energy expenditure in
(15) walking between food patches.
背着幼兽也发生在很多食蚁性的哺乳动物身上；因此，一种解释是背着幼兽对食蚁动物是必需的，因为她们遗传了在行走时低代谢，搞能量消耗。
(16) However, although polar bears’ locomotion
is similarly inefficient, polar bear cubs
walk along with their mother.
然而，尽管北极熊的移动同样的低效，但是他们的幼兽都是跟着妈妈行走的。
Furthermore, the daily movements of sloth
(20) bears and American black bears—
which are similar in size to sloth bears
and have similar-sized home ranges—
reveal similar travel rates and distances,
suggesting that if black bear cubs are
(25) able to keep up with their mother, so
too should sloth bear cubs.长毛熊cub-carrying的一种解释及缺陷
此外，树懒和美国黑熊他们在领地和身体的尺寸上基本相同，他们的每日的移动显示出相似的移动率以及距离，说明，如果黑熊的幼兽能够跟得上他们的妈妈，那么树懒也同样跟得上。
An alternative explanation is defense
from predation. Black bear cubs use
trees for defense, whereas brown bears
(30) and polar bears, which regularly inhabit
treeless environments, rely on aggression to protect their cubs.
另一种解释来自于掠夺行为，黑熊的幼兽使用树来作防御，然而，灰熊和北极熊生长于没有树的环境，因此通过进攻来保护他们的幼兽。
Like brown
bears and polar bears (and unlike other
myrmecophagous mammals, which are
(35)
noted for their passivity), sloth bears
are easily provoked to aggression.
与灰熊和北极熊相似（不像其他那些食蚁哺乳动物以被动性著称），树懒更容易被激怒而采取进攻。
Sloth bears also have relatively large
canine teeth, which appear to be more
functional for fighting than for foraging.
(40) Like brown bears and polar bears,
sloth bears may have evolved in an
environment with few trees.
树懒还拥有相对来说较大的犬齿，他们的作用更像是为战斗而不是食草。像灰熊以及北极熊一样，树懒也可能已经扩展到那些没有树的环境中去了。
They are
especially attracted to food-rich
grasslands; although few grasslands
(45) persist today on the Indian subcontinent,
this type of habitat was once wide-
spread there.
他们尤其对食物充足的草原感兴趣：尽管现在在印度的次大陆只保留了很少的草原，但他们的栖息还是曾经在那里传播。
Grasslands support
high densities of tigers, which fight and
sometimes kill sloth bears; sloth bears
(50) also coexist with and have been killed
by tree-climbing leopards, and are often
confronted and chased by rhinoceroses
and elephants, which can topple trees.
草原拥有大量的老虎，他们有时会捕杀树懒；树懒也同样与可以爬树的美洲虎共存或被其捕杀，同时也经常会面对或遭到那些可以倾倒大树的犀牛和大象的追捕。
Collectively these factors probably
(55) selected against tree-climbing as a
defensive strategy for sloth bear cubs.
所有这些方面可能都决定了树懒选择爬树作为抵御他们的策略。
Because sloth bears are smaller than
brown and polar bears and are under
greater threat from dangerous animals,
(60) they may have adopted the extra precaution of carrying their cubs.
因为树懒比灰熊或是北极熊小很多并且对那些有危险动物的威胁要来得更怕，他们会背起他们的幼兽来作为额外的防范措施。
Although
cub-carrying may also be adoptive for
myrmecophagous foraging, the behavior
of sloth bear cubs, which climb on their
(65) mother’s back at the first sign of danger,
suggests that predation was a key
尽管，背着幼兽这种树懒的一旦发现危险就第一时间跳上妈妈的背上的行为可能同样被食草的食蚁动物所采纳，但看起来掠夺行为才是最主要的原因。
Diamonds are almost impos-
sible to detect directly because they
are so rare: very rich kimberlite
pipes, the routes through which
(5) diamonds rise, may contain only
three carats of diamonds per ton
of kimberlite.
钻石可以直接的被侦测到非常重要，因为他们实在是太稀少了：富含金刚岩的矿道中，在钻石形成的路线上可能每吨岩石中仅仅含有3克拉的钻石。
Kimberlite begins as
magma in Earth’s mantle (the layer
between the crust and the core).
金刚岩来自于地壳的岩浆（介于地表与地心之间）。
As
the magma smashes through layers
of rock, it rips out debris, creating
a mix of liquid and solid material.
因为岩浆打碎了地表的岩石，他撕开的碎片声称了一种固液的混合体。
Some of the solid material it brings
up may come from a so-called
(15) diamond-stability field, where condi-
tions of pressure and temperature
are conducive to the formation of
diamonds.
一些固态物质来自于一种被称作钻石稳定性的区域，那里环境的压力以及温度非常有益于钻石的形成。
If diamonds are to survive, though, they must shoot toward
(20) Earth’s surface quickly. Otherwise,
they revert to graphite or burn.
如果钻石有幸形成的话他们必须马上被射到地球的表面，否则他们就可能恢复成石墨或者被燃烧。
Explorers seeking diamonds look
for specks of “indicator minerals”
peculiar to the mantle but carried up
(25) in greater quantities than diamonds
and eroded out of kimberlite pipes
into the surrounding land.
寻找钻石的开采者们寻找在地壳表面的罕见的但是数量远大于钻石的矿石探测器的眼镜，并且侵蚀出金刚岩矿道周围的地方。，
The standard ones are garnets, chromites,
and ilmenites. One can spend years
(30) searching for indicators and tracing
them back to the pipes that are their
source;
最标准的是garnets, chromites以及 ilmenites。人们可以花上成年的时间来搜寻并且追踪到他们的藏身之所。
however, 90 percent of
kimberlite pipes found this way are
barren of diamonds, and the rest
(35) are usually too sparse to mine.钻石的形成过程及探察方法：寻找indicator …
然而，90%的通过这种方法所找寻到的金刚岩矿道的钻石含量都是非常低的，而其他一些甚至因为太少而不去开采了。
In the 1970’s the process of
locating profitable pipes was refined
by focusing on the subtle differ-
ences between the chemical
(40) signatures of indicator minerals
found in diamond-rich pipes as
opposed to those found in barren
pipes.
70年代，富产矿的定位被精确，通过对来自于富矿以及贫矿的矿石指示剂的不同化学元素的细微的差别来确定。
For example, G10 garnets,
a type of garnet typically found in
(45) diamond-rich pipes, are lower in
calcium and higher in chrome than
garnets from barren pipes.
例如G10 garnets，典型的富矿中的石榴石比起贫矿中的含有更低的钙但拥有更高的铬。，
Geochemists John Gurney showed that
garnets with this composition were
(50) formed only in the diamond-stability
field; more commonly found ver-
sions came from elsewhere in the
mantle.
地质学家JG指出，拥有这种成份的石榴石只有在钻石稳定性区域中存在；其他成分的可以在地壳的其他地方被找到。
Gurney also found that
though ilmenites did not form in the
(55) diamond-stability field, there was a
link useful for prospectors: when
the iron in ilmenite was highly
oxidized, its source pipe rarely
contained any diamonds.
G同时发现尽管钛在钻石稳定性区域中并不形成，但对采矿者来说有另一种有用的联系：当钛中的金属富氧的话，那这些矿中将少有钻石。
He reasoned that iron took on more or less
oxygen in response to conditions in
the kimberlitic magma itself—mainly
in response to heat and the avail-
able oxygen.
他解释道在金刚岩岩浆中的金属本身或多或少的就具有一些氧为了适应其中的环境，主要是为了适应热量以及可用的氧。
When iron became
(65) highly oxidized, so did diamonds;
that is, they vaporized into carbon
dioxide. 1970年代方法的转变
当金属变得富氧时，钻石也同样；也就是他们都蒸发成了二氧化碳了。
(The following is excerpted from material written
in 1992.)
Many researchers regard
recent economic growth, as reflected by its
gross domestic product (GDP) growth rates,
as an example of the success of a modern
(5) technological development strategy based
on the market economics of industrialized
countries.
很多研究者表示认为泰国现在经济的增长是为其GDP的增长所带动，并将其作为一个基于市场自由经济的工业国家的现代技术发展策略成功的典范。
Yet by focusing solely on aggregate economic growth data as the measure
of
rural development projects that improve
people’s daily lives at the village level—
such as the cooperative raising of water
buffalo, improved sanitation, and the development of food crops both for consumption
and for sale at local markets;
然而，只是单独的关心经济增长总值来作为衡量泰国经济发展的数据的话，这些研究者们可能高估了乡村经济发展项目对乡村人们生活经济水平的影响-例如合作饲养水牛，改进卫生设施以及本地市场上用于消费以及出售的食品粮食的发展。
such projects
are not adequately reflected in the country’s
GDP. These researchers, influenced by
Robert Heilbroner’s now outdated develop-
(20) ment theory, tend to view nontechnological
development as an obstacle to progress.
这些项目不足以影响国家的GDP。这些研究者们被RH的那套现在已经过时了的发展理论所误导，趋向于认为非技术性的发展是发展的障碍。
Heilbroner’s theory has become doctrine in
some economics textbooks: for example,
Monte Palmer disparages nontechnological
(25) rural development projects as inhibiting
constructive change.
H的理论已经变成现在许多教科书中的理论：例如，MP蔑视那些乡村的非技术性的变革对建设性发展有着约束性。
Yet as Ann Kelleher’s
two recent case studies of the Thai villages
Non Muang and Dong Keng illustrate, the
nontechnological-versus-technological
(30) dichotomy can lead researchers not only to
overlook real advances achieved by rural
development projects but also mistakenly to
conclude that because such advances are
initiated by rural leaders and are based on
(35) traditional values and practices, they retard
“real” economic development.
然而，如AK最近两项对泰国乡村的农忙和冬耕的距离研究表明，非技术性的相对技术性的分裂可以使得研究者们不仅忽视了世纪的通过乡村的发展项目所取得的成就，而且，也会错误的总结因为这些成就是由乡村领导们所实现的，基于传统的价值观以及实践，他们应该是在延缓实际上的经济增长。
现在的风声这么紧，LZ不要把这么珍贵的资料直接贴上来啊，弄个文档，加个密啥的，这么赤裸裸的。。。 For many years, theoretical
economists characterized humans
as rational beings relentlessly
bent
on maximizing purely selfish reward.
很多年来，理论经济学家们认为人类所表现的特征为无情的倾向于最大化自我利益的理性群体。
(5) Results of an experimental economics
study appear to contradict this view,
however.
然而，一项试验的经济学研究却表现出与此相矛盾的结果来。
In the “Ultimatum Game,”
two subjects, who cannot exchange
information, are placed in separate
(10) rooms.
在一项最后通牒游戏中，两名对象再不可能互相交换信息的情况下被安置在一个单独的房间里。
(11) One is randomly chosen to
propose how a sum of money, known
to both, should be shared between
them; only one offer, which must
be accepted or rejected without
(15) negotiation, is allowed.老观点，新观点及其试验
从中随机抽选一名来提议，如何分配一笔大家都知道的钱；只允许有一名提供者在未经过沟通的前提下被接受或者被拒绝。
If, in fact, people are selfish and
rational, then the proposer should offer
the smallest possible share, while the
responder should accept any offer,
(20) no matter how small: after all, even
one dollar is better than nothing.
实际上，如果人们都是自私的而且理性的话，那么提议者将给出最少可能的分享，然而，接受者就只能接受任何的供给，及时他很小：最终，即使只有1美元也比没有要强很多。
In numerous trials, however, two-thirds
of the offers made were between-
40 and 50 percent; only 4 percent
(25) were less than 20 percent.
然而，在大量的实验中，有三分之二的人提供了40-50%的钱，只有4%少于20%。
Among
responders, more than half who were
offered less than 20 percent rejected
the offer.
在回应者中，有一半以上的被提供少于20%的人拒绝了这次供给。
Behavior in the game did not
appreciably depend on the players’
(30) sex, age, or education.
游戏中的人的行为并不取决于其性别，年龄以及教育背景。
Nor did the
amount of money involved play a
significant role: for instance, in trials
of the game that were conducted in
(35)
as much as three times the subjects’
average monthly income, and still
responders refused offers that they
deemed too small.试验反驳老观点
也不取决于游戏中钱的多少：例如，在印尼的实验中，金钱的总和几乎是参与者月收入的3倍，但承受者仍然会拒绝那些他们认为太小的提供者。
Linda Kerber argued in the mid-
1980’s that after the American Revolution
(1775-1783), an ideology of “republican
motherhood” resulted in a surge of edu-
(5) cational opportunities for women in the
LK在80年代中期美国大革命后对一种称为共和国母亲的意识形态所导致的一场美国妇女为争取受教育机会的浪潮进行讨论。
Kerber maintained that
the leaders of the new nation wanted
women to be educated in order to raise
politically virtuous sons.
K坚称新政府的领导人们希望妇女接受教育从而可以养育在政治上善良的后代们。
A virtuous citizenry was considered essential to the
success of the country’s republican form
of government; virtue was to be instilled
not only by churches and schools, but
by families, where the mother’s role
(15) was crucial.
一伙善良的市民被认为是政府共和形式成功的基础。
(16) Thus, according to Kerber,
motherhood became pivotal to the fate
of the republic, providing
justification for
an unprecedented attention to female
education. LK的观点
因此，根据K的观点，假若对于女性教育空前的关注这一观点合理的话，那么母亲就成为了共和国命运的关键，
(20) Introduction of the republican moth-
erhood thesis dramatically changed
historiography.
共和国母亲这一理论的引入，在历史中有着引人注目的变化。
Prior to Kerber’s work,
educational historians barely mentioned
women and girls; Thomas Woody’s 1929
(25) work is the notable exception.
在K的研究工作之前，教育历史学家很少提及妇女及女孩；TW的1929年的研究却是个非常显著的例外。
(26) Examining
newspaper advertisements for academies, Woody found that educational
opportunities increased for both girls
and boys around 1750.
通过对教育院校报纸广告的研究，W发现女孩与男孩的受
教育机会自1750来都有所增长。
Pointing to “An
(30) Essay on Woman” (1753) as reflecting
a shift in view, Woody also claimed that
practical education for females had
many advocates before the Revolution.
W指出1753年一篇关于妇女的论文反映出观念上的一种变迁，同时他也称在大革命之前对妇女们的实践教育已经为许多人所提倡。
Woody’s evidence challenges the notion
(35)
that the Revolution changed attitudes
regarding female education, although it
may have accelerated earlier trends.
W 的证据挑战着关于大革命改变了人们对女性教育的态度的观念，尽管他也可能只是对此前一种趋势的加速。
Historians’ reliance on Kerber’s “repub-
lican motherhood” thesis may have
(40) obscured the presence of these trends,
making it difficult to determine to what
extent the Revolution really changed
women’s lives. Woody的观点以及和LK观点之不同
历史学家们对K的共和国母亲理论的信任可能得自于这些趋势，但这使得人们很难去评判大革命究竟对女性生活的改变到一个什么样的程度。
Earth’s surface consists of rigid
plates that are constantly shifting and
jostling one another.
地球的表面由坚硬的板块组成，他们不断的漂移并相互碰撞。
Plate movements
are the surface expressions of motions
(5) in the mantle—the thick shell of rock
that lies between Earth’s crust and its
metallic core.
板块的移动是介于地壳和其金属核心之间的那些厚厚的岩石的运动的表象。
Although the hot rock of
the mantle is a solid, under the tremendous pressure of the crust and
(10) overlying rock of the mantle, it flows like
a viscous liquid.
尽管地球覆盖物中的灼热的岩石是固态的，但是在地壳和下面的岩石的极大的压力作用下，使得他们像粘滞的液体一般在流动。
The mantle’s motions,
analogous to those in a pot of boiling
water, cool the mantle by carrying hot
material to the surface and returning
(15) cooler material to the depths.
覆盖物的运动，类似于那些在一壶沸水中一样，通过把那些热的物质搬运到表面并且把冷的物质带回到深处来对覆盖物进行冷却。
(16) When
the edge of one plate bends under
another and its cooler material is con-
sumed in the mantle, volcanic activity
occurs as molten
lava rises from the
(20) downgoing plate and erupts through the
overlying one.地球板块运动及火山爆发产生
当一个板块的边缘弯曲到另一个的下方时，他的冷的物质在覆盖物中被消耗，火山的活动以熔化的火山岩从向下的板块中出现并从下面的板块中爆发的形式产生。
Most volcanoes occur at plate
boundaries. However, certain “mis-
placed” volcanoes far from plate
(25) edges result from a second, indepen-
dent mechanism that cools the deep
interior of Earth.
大部分的火山产生在地壳的边缘。然而，那些远离板块边缘的被误置的火山却是来自于另一个独立的冷却地球内部深层的机械结构
Because of its proximity to Earth’s core, the rock at the
base of the mantle is much hotter than
(30) rock in the upper mantle. The hotter the
mantle rock is, the less it resists flow-
ing. Reservoirs of this hot rock collect
in the base of the mantle.
因为它非常接近于地核，在这层覆盖物下面的岩石会比上面的岩石要热得多。岩石越热就越不会阻碍流动。这些热的岩石的水库就在覆盖物的底部聚集。
When a
reservoir is sufficiently large, a sphere
(35)
of this hot rock forces its way up
through the upper mantle to Earth’s
surface, creating a broad bulge in the
topography.
当一个水库足够大时，这些岩石就会形成一个球体冲破上面覆盖物到地球表面，形成一个地形学山的大的凸起。
The “mantle plume” thus
formed, once established, continues to
(40) channel hot material from the mantle
base until the reservoir is emptied.
这个覆盖物的地柱也就因此而形成了，一旦产生，就会持续的引导这些来自覆盖物下面的热的物质直到水库流干为止。
The surface mark of an established
plume is a hot spot—an isolated
region of volcanoes and uplifted terrain
(45) located far from the edge of a surface
plate.
一个已经确立的地柱的表面的标志是一个热的场所，也就是一块单独的火山以及位于远离板块边缘的上升地形的区域
Because the source of a hot
spot remains fixed while a surface
plate moves over it, over a long period
of time an active plume creates a chain
(50) of volcanoes or volcanic islands, a
track marking the position of the plume
relative to the moving plate.
因为这个场所的热源会在一个表层的板块移过它时而保持不变，因此，在很长的一段时间里，一个活动的地柱会产生一系列的火山以及火山岛，作为一个标志来标示地柱相对于移动板块之间的位置所在。
The natural
history of the Hawaiian island chain
clearly shows the movement of the
Pacific plate over a fixed plume.
不在边缘火山爆发原因解释
关于夏威夷群岛的大自然的历史就说明了太平洋板块相对于一个固定的地柱的移动。
小小胖子 发表于 2008-7-9 19:51
现在的风声这么紧，LZ不要把这么珍贵的资料直接贴上来啊，弄个文档，加个密啥的，这么赤裸裸的。。。[此贴 ...
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