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标题: 揽瓜阁训练营第155天（含CR，RC和DI题目） [打印本页]

作者: 小白斩鸡 时间: 2024-6-21 08:41
标题: 揽瓜阁训练营第155天（含CR，RC和DI题目）
之前大家对揽瓜阁精读的反馈很好，就想着自己的时间开始把一些精读的文章根据JJ出题目～然后focus上线，IR需求大家也大。就想着把揽瓜阁的阅读逻辑 IR 都放在这贴里打卡

每日的解析在揽瓜阁2024群更新

RC题源：揽瓜阁精读的文章+机经的题目
CR题源：本月中文JJ改编
IR题源：往届鸡精改编

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1.CR
A certain type of fish is sold in two distinct markets: uptown supermarkets and downtown markets. The fish is sourced from the same supplier for both markets, but uptown supermarkets sell it at a higher price. Despite this price difference, the total profit from fish sales is approximately the same for both types of markets. It is known that the overhead costs for uptown supermarkets are not likely to be lower than those of downtown markets.
Which of the following, if true, best explains why the total profits are similar despite the price difference?
A) The quality of fish sold in uptown supermarkets is significantly higher, justifying the price difference.
B) Downtown markets have a more efficient distribution system, reducing their operational costs.
C) Uptown supermarkets have a higher markup percentage on the fish, compensating for lower sales volume.
D) Consumers in the downtown area are more price-sensitive, leading to more frequent promotions and discounts.
E) The supplier charges a higher wholesale price to uptown supermarkets, narrowing their profit margin per unit sold.

Recent studies have shown that when a newly developed pesticide is combined with an older pesticide, the mixture becomes toxic to humans. However, these pesticides are used on different crops that have non-overlapping growing seasons in the same agricultural region. Agricultural authorities have concluded that there is no need to ban either pesticide, as they are safe when used separately and at different times.
Which of the following, if true, most seriously weakens the authorities' conclusion?
A) The new pesticide has been shown to increase crop yields by 30% compared to the older pesticide.
B) Farmers in neighboring regions have successfully implemented alternative pest control methods that don't require chemical pesticides.
C) The older pesticide can persist in soil for up to 18 months after application, potentially overlapping with the use of the new pesticide in the next growing season.
D) Both pesticides are highly effective against a wide range of crop-damaging insects when used individually.
E) The toxicity of the pesticide mixture is only observed in laboratory conditions and has not been replicated in field studies.

答案:

2.RC
Scholars have long speculated about the causes of both the rise and the dramatic collapse of the Classic Maya (c. C.E. 250-950) of Mesoamerica. Their rise has been considered anomalous because Maya civilization seemed to deviate from the many examples documenting a close relationship between the control of water and political power (e.g., Fagan 1999:248-252; Weber 1964:31; Wittfogel 1957; Wortman 1985). In Mesopotamia, Egypt, China, the Indus Valley, Andean South America, and central Mexico, for example, ancient civilizations emerged in areas with natural water sources and agricultural land that supported a densely settled subject populace; elite control of water for agricultural production allowed leaders to exact tribute from the local population. In contrast, southern Maya kings in lowland jungles often ruled from civic-ceremonial centers in areas with fertile land, but without natural water sources, suggesting that power was unrelated to water control in these cases.

I argue that scholars have overlooked the importance of the control of artificial reservoirs by Maya rulers and suggest that control of this type of water resource played a critical role in the florescence of Maya civilization and in its later collapse. Further, I suggest that a focus on the control of artificial reservoirs helps explain differences in the historical trajectories of large and small Maya settlements. In large regional civic-ceremonial centers, Maya rulers lost the means to control water in the Terminal Classic (c. C.E. 850-950) because of climatic changes, resulting in the collapse of power. Minor and secondary centers in areas less dependent on water control, by contrast, survived the drought and avoided collapse.

The power of Maya rulers―particularly their ability to exact tribute, or surplus labor and goods, from others―derived from a complex relationship among a number of factors, particularly the location of the center from where they ruled, its seasonal water supply, the amount of agricultural land, and settlement density. I outline the specific relationship among these factors below.

A problem with any model is that it cannot account for every situation, as is the case when attempting to explain the Maya collapse. The model I present does not account for the political histories of every Maya center but provides a general organizational framework by which to evaluate how water control and political power figured in the rise and fall of political leadership among the Maya. I focus on the processes of collapse that occur once they are set in motion rather than presenting a new cause. This approach, thus, does not discount earlier perspectives but views them as local events rather than pan-Maya explanations.

Generally, densely settled areas where people are tied to the land because of subsistence technology (e.g., plowed fields, canals, dams, agricultural terraces, fish ponds, transportation, storage facilities) facilitate the rise of consolidated political power (Gilman 1981) because leaders can more easily control access to critical resources, people, and their surplus (Earle 1997:7). Conversely, scattered resources are harder to monopolize and result in dispersed populations that are more difficult to integrate. Maya rulers faced particular difficulties in drawing farmers close to the ceremonial-civic centers over which they ruled. The majority of farmers lived dispersed in farmsteads throughout non center or hinterland areas, mirroring the patch like distribution of fertile land (Dunning 1998; Fedick and Ford 1990; Rice 1993; Sanders 1977). Maya farmers used a combination of agricultural techniques including house gardens; short-fallow infields; long-fallow outfields to grow maize, beans, and squash (Flannery 1982; Harrison and Turner 1978; Killion 1990); and various types of intensive agricultural techniques such as raised fields, dams, canals, and terraces (Dunning 1997). However, few or none of these techniques appear to have been under elite control (Demarest 1992; Tourtellot 1993; cf. Marcus 1982). Other farmers lived near or in centers, where they may not have stayed during the labor-intensive rainy seasons, especially if their fields were at some distance, requiring the use of field houses (e.g., Ford 1992; Lucero 1999a; Webster 1992). In addition, some farmers may have had to find new land in the face of growing population and increasing competition over land, especially during the Classic period (Ford 1991b; Tourtellot 1993). Hinterland Maya farming communities also may have been relatively economically self-sufficient (Lucero 2001). Consequently, the ruling elite needed to integrate not only a relatively dispersed and self-sufficient populace but also one that may have been somewhat mobile (Drennan 1988; Ford 1990; Santley 1990).

That these rulers were able to do so is primarily because of the nature of seasonal rainfall and water availability in the area. Particularly significant is the four-month annual drought, from January to May. This had particular consequences in regions lacking rivers and lakes such as those where the regional centers Tikal, Caracol, and Calakmul emerged (Figure 1). The lack of surface water for four months every year required the Maya to devise ways to store water. Rather than concentrate people through a dependence on agricultural technologies, rulers concentrated an even more vital resource, drinking water. The earliest rulers of Tikal, Caracol, Calakmul, and other centers organized the construction and maintenance of large artificial reservoirs in center cores next to temples and other monumental architecture. Rulers' control of reservoirs during seasonal drought combined with their performance of associated rituals, facilitated dry-season nucleation at these centers, and lessened the need for hinterland communities to build their own reservoirs (Lucero 1999c).

1. The author's argument regarding the role of artificial reservoirs in Maya civilization can best be characterized as:
A) A paradigm shift that completely invalidates previous scholarship
B) A nuanced refinement that bridges seemingly contradictory theories
C) An incremental advancement building on established archaeological evidence
D) A speculative hypothesis lacking substantial empirical support
E) A reconciliation of conflicting interpretations of Maya political structure

2. The passage suggests that the relationship between water control and political power in Maya civilization was:
A) Inversely proportional to the size of the settlement
B) Consistent across all Maya centers regardless of geography
C) More complex in areas lacking natural water sources
D) Primarily relevant only during periods of severe drought
D) Mediated by the density of agricultural land use

3. Which of the following, if true, would most seriously undermine the author's thesis?
A) Evidence of extensive trade networks between Maya centers and hinterlands
B) Discovery of advanced irrigation systems in small Maya settlements
C) Proof that Maya rulers derived significant power from control of obsidian trade
D) Archaeological findings showing uniform collapse across all Maya settlements
E) Documentation of regular tribute payments from dispersed farming communities

4. The author's discussion of Maya farmers' agricultural techniques serves primarily to:
A) Illustrate the technological sophistication of Maya civilization
B) Contrast Maya agricultural practices with those of other ancient civilizations
C) Explain why Maya rulers had difficulty controlling the rural population
D) Demonstrate the ecological diversity of the Maya lowlands
E) Argue for the superiority of Maya farming methods over those of their neighbors

5. The passage implies that the survival of minor and secondary Maya centers during the Terminal Classic period was due to:
A) Their superior water management technologies
B) A less rigid social hierarchy compared to larger centers
C) Their ability to maintain trade relations with other regions
D) A reduced dependence on centralized water control
E) More favorable climatic conditions in their localities

6. The author's model of Maya political power can be best described as:
A) Monocausal, focusing exclusively on water control
B) Bifurcated, distinguishing between large and small settlements
C) Cyclical, explaining both the rise and fall of Maya civilization
D) Multifactorial, integrating environmental and social variables
E) Comparative, drawing parallels with other Mesoamerican cultures

7. Which of the following can be inferred about the author's view of previous scholarship on Maya civilization?
A) It has systematically overestimated the role of agriculture in Maya politics
B) It has failed to adequately consider the impact of climate change
C) It has not sufficiently accounted for regional variations in Maya political structures
D) It has overlooked the significance of water management in favor of more visible factors
E) It has exaggerated the degree of centralization in Maya governance

8. The passage suggests that the control of artificial reservoirs by Maya rulers:
A) Was a strategy deliberately developed to compensate for lack of natural water sources
B) Emerged as an unintended consequence of ritual practices
C) Resulted from technological innovations imported from other civilizations
D) Was primarily a means of demonstrating wealth rather than exerting political control
E) Evolved differently in various regions of the Maya lowlands

9. The author's discussion of the dispersed nature of Maya settlement patterns serves to:
A) Highlight the unique challenges faced by Maya rulers in maintaining power
B) Argue for the superiority of Maya agricultural techniques
C) Explain the rapid collapse of Maya civilization during periods of drought
D) Demonstrate the egalitarian nature of Maya society
E) Contrast Maya urbanism with that of other Mesoamerican cultures

10. The passage implies that the relationship between water control and political power in Maya civilization was:
A) Static throughout the Classic period
B) Analogous to that found in Mesopotamia and Egypt
C) More significant in the rise of Maya civilization than in its collapse
D) Primarily relevant only in the largest Maya centers
E) Subject to variation based on local environmental conditions

作者: waekoshi 时间: 2024-6-21 09:46
dd

作者: link-link 时间: 2024-6-21 10:09
(๑•̀ㅂ•́)و✧

作者: 为了G700 时间: 2024-6-21 11:16

Day155 CR

第一题，❌选E，答案C，解释为什么单价高，利润低。

第二题，选C，削弱当局关于两种错开使用无害的结论。

Day155 RC

1.❌A，答案B

2.❌B，答案C

3.❌C，答案E

4.C

5.D

6.❌A，答案D

7.D

8.A

9.A

10.E

作者: anonysakura 时间: 2024-6-21 17:04
day 155
https://forum.chasedream.com/thread-1395309-1-1.html
CR 1:C
CR 2:C

RC
1.B
2.C
3.B
4.C
5.D
6.D
7.E
8.E
9.A
10.E

作者: jeilham 时间: 2024-6-21 17:44
0000000000000000000

作者: anonysakura 时间: 2024-6-21 18:44
day 155
https://forum.chasedream.com/thread-1395309-1-1.html
CR 1:C
CR 2:C

RC
1.B
2.C
3.B❌E
Documentation of regular tribute payments from dispersed farming communities
4.C
5.D
6.D
7.E❌D
previous scholarship on Maya civilization：It has overlooked the significance of water management in favor of more visible factors
8.E❌A
9.A
10.E

作者: setmefree1 时间: 2024-6-22 10:30
DAY155
CR
C 一种鱼在上城区和下城区出售，上城区售价更高，但是利润一样，已知上城区超市的管理费用比下城区的高
C 新农药和旧农药混合会对人有毒，这些农药是同一地区生长季节不重叠的不同作物上使用，因此没必要禁用这些农药，单独使用是安全的

作者: Hannah1234567 时间: 2024-6-22 10:49
Mark一下！

作者: Leem124 时间: 2024-6-22 11:26
看一下！

作者: Dreambig13 时间: 2024-6-22 12:20

作者: dreamer_11 时间: 2024-6-22 17:43
#lgg-cr-D155
1.C
解释题，不用找逻辑链，记住内容：一种特定的鱼被售往两个市场，两个市场的批发商都是一样的，U市场卖得贵一点，尽管两个市场价格不同，但总利润是相似的，且U市场的成本不比D市场的成本低

A.U市场鱼质量更高，无关
B.D市场有更有效率的分配系统，减少了操作成本，无法解释为什么利润相似
C.U市场的涨价弥补了部分销量的减少，总销售额近似，成本近似，利润近似，补gap
D.顾客在D市场对价格更加敏感，导致会有更多的促销，无法解释
E.在U市场收更高的批发价，压缩边际利润，无法解释

2.C
削弱题
P：一种新研发的农药混合了旧的农药，混合物对人体有毒，但会被使用在不同的庄稼上，这些庄稼在同一地区没有重叠生长季
C：农药可以不用被禁止，因为他们是安全的当单独使用时

A.新农药增加了庄稼的收获量，无关
B.已经实施了新方法可以不用农药了，无关
C.土壤中会有残留，可能导致重叠部分，补gap
D.两种农药单独使用都很有效果，无关
E.混合毒性只被发现于实验室，还没有到试过应用于田地里，加强

2.RC
1.B
2.A---C
3.B---E
4.C
5.D
6.C---D
7.D
8.E---A
9.A
10.E

作者: Eunice12 时间: 2024-6-24 08:43
我的选项：BC
正确选项：
第一题：解释题
P:一种鱼在两个市场销售，两个市场的供应商相同，但是uptown市场的销售价格更高
P：uptown市场和downtown市场的成本差不多
C：两个市场的鱼销售总利润接近相等
A:不能解释
B:能解释
C:不能解释
D:不能解释
E:影响两个市场
第二题：削弱题
P:新开发的杀虫剂和旧的杀虫剂混在一起对人体有害
P：这两种杀虫剂用在不同的作物上，这两种作物在同一农业区域的生产季节没有交叉
C：因此无须禁止其中一种杀虫剂，因为他们在不同的时候使用
杀虫剂可能有残留
A:作物产量无关
B:与结论无关
C:削弱
D:无关
E:无关

作者: xiaoyuzhou90 时间: 2024-6-24 12:08
CR
我的答案：C；一种鱼来自同一供应商，超市卖得贵，菜场卖得便宜些；尽管价格不同，但是鱼的总利润差不多；超市的开支不会比菜场低；---哪个为真，最能解释利润的差不多---C超市加价更多来抵消低销量
我的答案：C；新旧杀虫剂混用会对人产生毒性，但是这些杀虫剂用在不同的植物所，不会在一个季节里重叠，因此农业局认为，不需要禁用任何一种，因为他们分开用是安全的；---哪个为真，削弱作者的结论---C 旧杀虫剂在泥土里会持续影响18个月，这样就会和新杀虫剂重叠；

作者: 杨翠花 时间: 2024-6-24 23:02
Mark一下！

作者: 杨翠花 时间: 2024-6-24 23:10
CR，我的选项：CC，答案：CC
1. P: uptown和downtown 都卖鱼，供货商是同一个，但是uptown卖的贵，uptown overhead costs并不比downtown market低
C：uptown和downtown卖鱼的利润一样的
原因解释题，立场：uptown 和downtown 利润一样
逻辑链条：利润=收入-成本=PQ-CQ
选C：uptown价格高，补偿了销量低的问题【通过total sales低来解释】
选项E错在：说单价uptown高，但是题干没有给销量数据的差别

2. P：新农药和旧农药混合有毒，这些农药用在不同的作物，没有重复期
C：政府认为不需要禁用其中一种，是安全的
削弱题，立场：不安全
逻辑链条：有别的原因使得文章中的因果关系不成立
选项C：直接说农药残留18个月是有overlap的

作者: 旷世大雕 时间: 2024-6-25 18:17
看一下

作者: 615我的分 时间: 2024-6-29 15:11
D155
CR1)E x,漏看了uptown的cost高，price高的话那么sales也应该高才能保证profit和downtown一样，应该选C2)C

作者: hyjsamantha 时间: 2024-7-2 08:03
看一下！

作者: 蒸鱼 时间: 2024-7-3 08:54
看一下！

作者: vassy 时间: 2024-7-4 13:20
Mark一下！

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