【Native Speaker每日综合训练—40系列】【40-10】经管 UNCTAD

小蘑菇开始打怪

内容：小蘑菇开始打怪 编辑：小蘑菇开始打怪

公益申请名额，每月一名
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写在前面：
因为晚上有事，所以提前发稿啦~
Speaker和文章内容都无关，其实是自己的私心，实在是太喜欢这个组合。所以就拿他们自己录的自我介绍视频来充数，也是因为实在找不到关于UNCTAD的听力材料。视频里的听力内容都很简单，普通的对话，所以就不出字幕什么了，如果实在感兴趣可以点击视频下方的链接去看中文版的自我介绍。顺便羡慕一下众位的口语哎...
本期的主题是UNCTAD，是United Nations Conference on Trade and Development的缩写，中文翻译是联合国贸易发展会议。
Speed首先是来自维基百科的对于UNCTAD的简单介绍
Speed第二篇和Obstacle都是会议相关的文章。基本上是关于宏观经济的嗯。
Enjoy Reading~

Part I: Speaker

Calculasian： Introduction





Source: youku
http://v.youku.com/v_show/id_XNzE5ODUzNzQ4.html

小蘑菇开始打怪

Part II: Speed

United Nations Conference on Trade and Development

[Time 2]
The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) was established in 1964 as a permanent intergovernmental body. It is the principal organ of the United Nations General Assembly dealing with trade, investment, and development issues.
The organization's goals are to "maximize the trade, investment and development opportunities of developing countries and assist them in their efforts to integrate into the world economy on an equitable basis." The creation of the conference was based on concerns of developing countries over the international market, multi-national corporations, and great disparity between developed nations and developing nations.
In the 1970s and 1980s, UNCTAD was closely associated with the idea of a New International Economic Order (NIEO).
The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development was established in 1964 to provide a forum where the developing countries could discuss the problems relating to their economic development.

UNCTAD grew from the view that existing institutions like GATT (now replaced by the World Trade Organization, WTO), theInternational Monetary Fund (IMF), and World Bank were not properly organized to handle the particular problems of developing countries.
The primary objective of the UNCTAD is to formulate policies relating to all aspects of development including trade, aid, transport, finance and technology. The conference ordinarily meets once in four years. The first conference took place in Geneva in 1964, second in New Delhi in 1968, the third in Santiago in 1972, fourth in Nairobi in 1976, the fifth in Manila in 1979, the sixth in Belgrade in 1983, the seventh in Geneva in 1987, the eighth in Cartagena in 1992 and the ninth at Johannesburg (South Africa) in 1996. The permanent secretariat is in Geneva.
One of the principal achievements of UNCTAD has been to conceive and implement the Generalised System of Preferences (GSP). It was argued in UNCTAD that to promote exports of manufactured goods from developing countries, it would be necessary to offer special tariff concessions to such exports. Accepting this argument, the developed countries formulated the GSP scheme under which manufacturers' exports and some agricultural goods from the developing countries enter duty-free or at reduced rates in the developed countries. Since imports of such items from other developed countries are subject to the normal rates of duties, imports of the same items from developing countries would enjoy a competitive advantage.
Currently, UNCTAD has 194 member states and is headquartered in Geneva,Switzerland. UNCTAD has 400 staff members and an bi-annual (2010–2011) regular budget of $138 million in core expenditures and $72 million in extra-budgetary technical assistance funds. It is a member of the United Nations Development Group. There are non-governmental organizations participating in the activities of UNCTAD.
[440 words]

Source: Wikipedia
http://www.cyclopaedia.info/wiki/United-Nations-Conference-on-Trade-and-Development-1




Victory at UNCTAD XIII

By Deborah James April 29, 2012


[Time 3]
After a week of intense negotiations, civil society groups welcomed a rare victory on Thursday in the final Declaration of the UNCTAD XIII conference in Doha, Qatar.

The final Declaration provides support -- approved by the developing and developed countries alike -- for a strong mandate for UNCTAD's vital work on financial and related crises. Amazingly, this was the most contentious aspect of the text. Developed countries originally even opposed the inclusion of language recognizing the existence of the global financial and economic crisis. A red line for the U.S. was on language mandating UNCTAD to work on the "root causes" of the crisis -- probably because the implied culpability, since the U.S. was the epicenter of the financial crisis of 2008-2009.

The key contested paragraph calls for UNCTAD to "continue, as a contribution to the work of the UN, research and analysis on the prospects of, and impact on, developing countries in matters of trade and development, in light of the global economic and financial crisis." While this mandate could have been broader, negotiators in the G77 group of over 100 developing countries -- together with civil society support -- were able to push back and wouldn't back down.

Why would such seeming innocuous language be so controversial? This is because UNCTAD has been the source of some of the most accurate and comprehensive analyses of the causes and impacts of the global financial crisis and recession. And it has been proposing solutions that are anathema to those who wish to maintain "business as usual" in global economic and finance policies the aftermath of the crisis.

In fact, in a private meeting between U.S. civil society and Robert Gerber, the Deputy Head of the U.S. delegation, he told us that he thought that analyzing "the global economic crisis" itself was outside of UNCTAD's mandate, which was to focus on trade and development. I'm not sure how to make an argument that these things are not related, but I guess when you're the United States at the United Nations, you don't have to have a logical argument.
[347 words]

[Time 4]
He also said the language in the text that was most important to the United States was on UNCTAD's efficiency, effectiveness, transparency and accountability; we're looking forward to seeing the U.S. push hard for similar issues regarding the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and U.S. aid in Haiti, among other places.

Why is this fight so important? Of the four institutions that set the rules of the global economy, the IMF, the World Bank, the G20, and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the first three are dominated by rich country governments and the fourth is exclusively their provenance. Only the G20 is now attempting to balance decision-making power with developing countries, but only with certain "emerging markets."
Even more importantly, all have been active in maintaining the dominant narrative in favor of deregulation of the private sector, and a weakened role for public oversight by the state, that helped bring about the global economic crisis. These institutions have mostly maintained this agenda, even in its aftermath.

On the other hand, UNCTAD is the only multilateral economic agency in which countries are associated in groups with supposedly similar power. And more importantly, it offered a narrative that is an alternative to the bailouts-for-banks and austerity-for-the-people policies. In the report prepared in advance of this latest quadrennial conference, it posited that "finance-led globalization" had been at the root cause of the crisis, and that given that its impacts have been, and continue to be, felt worldwide, a new model of "development-led globalization" must be implemented.

This perspective evidently didn't sit well many rich countries. According to one delegate, when an official of the JUSCANZ (comprising Japan, the U.S., Switzerland, Canada, Australia, Norway, and New Zealand -- the non-EU bloc of developed countries) was asked directly at one point during the negotiations why he did not want this language included, the representative responded gruffly, "we don't want any competition in intellectual thinking!"

Thus the developed countries organized to water down the text, fighting hard against any mention of the crisis in the policy language, and against any mandate for UNCTAD to work on macroeconomic policies. They also fought against the affirmation of the Accra Accord (Paragraph 16), the mandate from the last UNCTAD conference. This mandate includes work on macroeconomic policies and other key issues that developed countries want to keep within the exclusive provenance of the IMF, the WB, the G20, and the OECD.
[404 words]

[Time 5]
How did we get to the point that such basic language was even on the table? It was rumored that the G77, a group of more than 100 developing countries, was in a bit of disarray in the earlier, Geneva-based phase of the negotiations. Since the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) joined the G20, and have also developed their own fora, it seems that they were not as active in strengthening the negotiating position of the G77.

But things started to change as word leaked out about the weakness of the draft text, and groups started to mobilize. The former staff of UNCTAD were so concerned about the earlier drafts that they alerted the public through a letter, pointing out the spuriousness of the OECD countries' objections, and highlighting the importance of UNCTAD's role:

This is neither a cost-saving measure nor an attempt to "eliminate duplication" as some would claim. ... We all fervently believe in the value of maintaining an independent research capability that serves to focus inter-governmental debates on how the workings of the global economy affect developing countries.

Then, just before the conference, the BRICS met on the sidelines of the G20 Trade Ministers' meeting. Realizing that a lot was at stake, they issued a statement strongly affirming UNCTAD's important role. Even more importantly, Brazil, India, China, and South Africa lent key negotiating skill and weight to the G77 in the heat of the negotiations. Thus, credit definitely is due to them for maintaining their strong alliance with the larger developing country grouping.

Civil society also raised the alarm through a letter to negotiators -- demanding that they strengthen UNCTAD's role in global governance -- that eventually gained the support of nearly 200 international and national organizations from 47 countries.

Civil society also played an important role during the conference. The International Trade Union Confederation, Public Citizen, the Tax Justice Network, ActionAid International, the Our World Is Not For Sale network and other groups convened side events on issues of investment, financial regulation, the WTO, debt, tax policy, food security, and the social protection floor -- offering incisive analysis on key issues under negotiation within to the conference theme of inclusive and sustainable development.
[370 words]

[Time 6]
The Third World Network, the Center for Economic and Policy Research, Jubilee South, the Arab NGO Network on Development, and other groups together held several press conferences and issued almost daily press releases, as well as mobilizing constituencies to contact political officials at home, putting pressure on the negotiators throughout.

Lobbying was also a key strategy. Jubilee USA and other allies successfully lobbied the U.S. to improve language on debt sustainability, and several European groups were able to mitigate the EU's position through appealing to the Norwegian and Finnish governments. And the civil society groups carefully analyzed the text (after receiving leaked copies each day), and sent regular updates to negotiators of the exact paragraphs that were a priority for civil society, with suggestions of improved language. Many G77 negotiators commented that the support they received from civil society was key to the outcome.

The civil society organizations also put pressure directly on the JUSCANZ and EU. In a heated meeting, representatives from Ghana, the Philippines, Argentina, Malaysia, Australia, and the U.S. shared analysis and frustration with the Ambassador from the U.S., and key delegates from the EU and Canada, and the lead JUSCANZ negotiator, the Swiss Ambassador to the WTO and the UN, Luzius Wasescha. The latter chided us that he "felt like he was on trial." After the positions these negotiators had taken at UNCTAD, and the implications of their policies on developing countries, we did not feel sorry for making a negotiator feel uncomfortable for a few minutes.

Negotiators spent days in heated debate. But the pivotal moment came when what began as acrimonious negotiations suddenly came close to a consensus that the G77 and UNCTAD's Secretary-General, Dr. Supachai Panitchpakdi, are celebrating as an important success. This is even more amazing.

On the third day of negotiations "upstairs" where the tough issues were being handled, Ambassador Wasescha made a surprising announcement. He said the JUSCANZ and the EU were prepared to accept the main controversial Paragraphs 16 and 17, if the G77 would give up the paragraphs supporting Cuba and Palestine.

Delegates were outraged. It is common knowledge that countries utilize leverage in negotiations, and horse-trading is the norm. But rarely in diplomatic group negotiations is such tit-for-tat so explicitly expressed.
[374 words]

[Rest]
Fortunately, Mr. Wasescha evidently was missing some key information.

Next, the Palestinian negotiator took the floor. "I would like to inform you that a few minutes ago, the Israeli representative and I came to agreement on the text on Palestine. After futile meetings with the Europeans and the JUSCANZ in Geneva for months, we have come to agreement on language in fifteen minutes. So you cannot use this issue to obtain something else you want," he said. Shortly after, the Cuban negotiator made a similar announcement that an agreement had been reached between his delegation and the United States.

According to sources, the Swiss negotiator looked crushed. It seemed that key leverage had been taken away, and the plan so carefully built over the months of negotiations crumbled. It was a victory for the G77 and China.

More tough negotiations -- until 5 a.m. the last night -- was needed to ensure decent language on the main areas of trade and development, and the interrelated issues in the areas of finance, technology, investment and sustainable development, including intellectual property, commodities regulation, North-South and South-South cooperation, food security, and industrial policy.

Thus today we celebrate that the Accra Accord, and UNCTAD's mandate to work on the issues raised by global economic and financial crises were affirmed.

The language is still not what it should be. But that reflects the crisis of multilateralism in which we live, where the governments of rich countries feel little commitment to ensuring shared prosperity, and the neoliberal paradigm still dominates the most powerful international institutions.

The Civil Society Declaration, which was presented to the delegates during the first plenary meeting, provides a much more comprehensive and accurate representation of the current dynamics in the global economy.

Moving forward, it will be essential for civil society to continue to monitor the implementation of the mandate to prevent backsliding (about which we are already hearing rumors), and to take the struggle over these same issues to the G20 meeting this summer in Mexico.
[335 words]

Source: GPF
https://www.globalpolicy.org/social-and-economic-policy/international-trade-and-development-1-57/unctad/51592-victory-at-unctad-xiii-.html?itemid=id#1060

小蘑菇开始打怪

Part III: Obstacle


“Business As Usual” Is the Wrong Economic Advice for the Global South
By Richard Kozul-Wright May 7, 2012

[Time 7]
All developing regions have enjoyed faster growth since 2002, with particular attention focused on the performance of larger countries. A string of acronyms, most notably Brics (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa), has animated the idea of a "great convergence" as incomes in the global south are projected to rapidly catch those in the slow-growing north.

The financial crisis of 2008 has done little to change this narrative. The big message from the pundits and policymakers in developed countries is that global market forces have delivered rising prosperity, and that "business as usual" through sharp austerity in the north and rapid opening-up in the south is the way forward.

Whether austerity will help the north get back on its feet is debatable, but for the south "business as usual" is the wrong advice. The policy challenges facing developing countries, including the largest among them, will, over the coming decade, be even greater than those of the past, particularly if the north continues to stagnate.

The growth surge in developing economies was in part triggered by the dotcom bubble bursting in the early 2000s. Low interest rates and massive liquidity expansion in the north triggered a boom in capital flows to developing countries, while the subsequent debt-fuelled recovery provided expanding markets for southern exports and drove up commodity prices. China's accession to the World Trade Organisation encouraged the spread of global production chains and further boosted trade. Things changed abruptly after the 2008 financial crisis. Growth rates in developing countries dropped sharply as capital flows went into reverse, commodity prices tumbled and exports collapsed.

However, some of the larger developing economies showed remarkable resilience in the face of economic contagion, in part because they had resisted the siren calls of financial markets. Even though these actions helped mitigate a global economic meltdown, policymakers in the north – even as they have taken unprecedented steps to save their own commanding heights – have begun to make noises about the unfair advantages of "state capitalism", insisting the Brics are no longer really developing countries and demanding they take on ever greater global responsibilities.

Such a stance not only overlooks the difficult policy problems facing the Brics but understates wider development challenges. In broad terms, the export-led Asian economies, notably China, have to curtail their dependence on consumers in advanced economies by expanding domestic and regional markets. Brazil, India and South Africa must generate sufficient jobs, above all in the industrial sector, to reduce high inequality and poverty. Commodity exporters also need to diversify their production, and all countries running large current account deficits need to bring those under control through a carefully calibrated policy package that does not sacrifice growth.

What is needed to secure inclusive growth in the south is a continuing overhaul of development policies and a more stable external environment.

Three areas are critical. First, macroeconomic policy must widen its focus away from narrow monetary or inflation targets and the appeasement of international capital markets. Ambitious growth and employment goals can be met only with the full range of macroeconomic policy instruments, including public investment and expansionary fiscal measures, to create strong domestic demand and a favourable investment climate.

Second, industrial policies are needed to support the expansion of activities with the greatest potential for economies of scale, learning and technological advance. These sectors tend to be concentrated in manufacturing, but targeted policies can also help raise productivity and upgrade skills in agriculture and services. Effective public institutions, including development banks, will be essential for economic diversification and long-term investment.

A third critical area is social policy. Rising inequality in recent decades has created economic distortions and political instability in many countries. Recently, several Latin American countries have started to correct decades of lopsided growth using innovative social and redistribution policies, such as Brazil's Bolsa Família. India's rural employment guarantee scheme seeks to bolster the employment content of growth, and China's shift towards consumption-led growth will require a significant redistribution of wealth and income.

Expanding south-south ties can provide a favourable external environment. South-south investment has been growing, but other financial flows remain small and will need encouragement. Innovative financial arrangements, including a Bank of the South, should be part of that discussion, along with broader co-operation to help expand productive capacity, deepen local markets and deliver regional public goods.

A rising south is altering the global economic geometry but it is still work in progress. It will also need a new development narrative from the north, one that recognises a rising south is in its interest. With their old road rapidly ageing, the best thing rich countries can do is to lend a hand to this project by redesigning international economic governance to make finance the servant not the master of sustainable and inclusive growth and development.
[796 words]

Source: GFP
https://www.globalpolicy.org/social-and-economic-policy/international-trade-and-development-1-57/unctad/51590-business-as-usual-is-the-wrong-economic-advice-for-the-global-south-.html?itemid=id#1060

ffffionabear

谢谢蘑菇桑~~占座~！！
----无限感恩~！！进击的阅读小分队~~你的作业（ ￣ー￣）[冷笑]  不，是你的作业~~一天不做，浑身哆嗦~~--------------------------------------

先做一点点~~马上要出门了~
[speaker]
Calculasian,named by where they study,is a group of singing.They introduce themselves and answer questions online.
[speed]
1'37
UNCTAD is an international organization dealing with trade,formulating policies and aiding the developed countries.
2'12
UNCTAD got a rare victory on the final conference in Doha after intense negotiations.The argument over "preventing global crisis " is whether it should be included in UNCTAD's mandate.
2'29
Unlike those institutions dominated by rich country only,UNCTAD is an multilateral economic agency.However,its new model of "development-led globalization" is objected by most rich countries,which don't want any competieion in elite society.
1'30
Civil society not only raised the alarm through negotiators to gain support among the insiders,but also played an important role during the conference.
1'34
The civil society achieve their aims by lobbying,directly pressuring on other global organizations,and raising headed debates.
1'07
Although the civil society's language still not what it should be,it will be essential in monitoring the implementation around those countries supported.
[obstacle]
5'44
main idea:It's unrealistic for the global South to remain "business as usual" after the financial crisis.They're not only facing the more difficult policy problems,but also undertaking wider development challenges.
1.macroeconomic police should focus on whole international capital market,
2.industrial policy should be advanced
3.social policy shouled remain equal and steady.

Going

谢谢蘑菇。

Speaker: 6 Members of Calcuasia answered questions from internet who are interested in them and their music.

Time 2: 3:24
Time 3: 2:16
Time 4: 3
Time 5: 2’50
Time 6: 2’41

Obstacle: 8’33

Time 2: Introduce UNCTD, aiming at helping developing countries in trade, development and investment. Its objectives, policies, achievement, conference location in so many years, including countries.
Time 3: Civil group society welcomed a rare victory. Final declaration provides support for a strong mandate on financial and economy crisis. There is controversial on it mostly because US are not willing and UNCTD really do well in financial and economy crisis analysis.
Time 4: Why the fight is so important? First hand, because four institutions who determine global economy are coming mostly from developed countries. There is only weak support for developing countries. Second, UNCTD changed its model from financial led globalization to develop-led globalization which did not sit well for developed countries. So developed countries fight again UNCTD.
Time 5: BRICS and civil society are emphasizing UNCTD role.
Time 6: many parties did their best to try for success. But the result is outrageous with a tit-for tat expression.

问题：没明白，那个rare success是指的什么呢，感觉没赢啊？

Obstacle:
One point is "business as usual" through sharp austerity in the north and rapid opening-up in the south is the way forward.
The south "business as usual" is the wrong advice.
The growth surge in developing economies was in part triggered by the dotcom bubble bursting in the early 2000s. Growth rates in developing countries dropped sharply after 2008 economy crisis.
Some people blames for unfair advantages of "state capitalism". But they only overlooks the difficult policy problems facing the Brics but understates wider development challenges.
What is needed to secure inclusive growth in the south is a continuing overhaul of development policies and a more stable external environment. Three areas are critical

pphang

Speaker:
Calculasian

Speed:
[time 2] 02:43
history of UNCTAD
achievement of UNCTAD

[time 3] 02:36
UNCTAD has achieved a success to support a mandate

[time 4] 02:55
reasons that the victory is important to developing countries

[time 5] 02:51
how countries realized to develop UNCTAD

[time 6] 02:41
how to put pressure on developed countries
success

Obstacle: 06:32
fast growth of the global south
change of the global south and the pressure of the global north
the pressure overlooks problems
to secure growth: policies and environment
benefit both the south and the north

YajunJessica

Speaker: 话说看完这个视频我就去搜CAL这个组合了，真不错！
Speed:   
Time 2:  2’39’’ (440w): the history of UNCTAD
Time 3: 2’19’’ (347w): The final Declaration provides supports for a strong   mandate for UNCTAD’s vital work on financial and related crises.
Time 4: 2’45’’ (404w): Why the fight for the language is so important?
Time 5: 2’13’’ (370w): How did we get to the point that such basic language was even on the table? 不确定，没弄懂这段的MAIN IDEA.
Time 6: 2’0’’(374w) putting pressure on negotiation

不学习就要饭去

Time 2 03:31.89
what is UNCTAD and what this organization did so far.
Time 3 03:17.49
A new task for UNCTAD which is helping on financial and related crises hit some countries' nerve like the US.
Time 4 04:07.98
Developed countries always dominate the powers and make the rules. So the fight actually means a lot.
Time 5 03:38.09
What support UNCTAD brought up these language
Time 6 02:58.93
how to make these negotiators well prepared to accept.
Rest 02:46.78
It's still a long way to go.

Time 7 08:04.37
Developing regions develop fast even financial crisis of 2008 didnt change it that much.
"business as usual" doesnt work for the south
secure inclusive growth in the south need good development policy (3) and stable external environment.
More opportunity in this progress.

cyndichiang

Time2  1'55''
Brief introduction of UNCTAD:
UNCTAD was established in 1964 as a permanent intergovernment body dealing with all aspects about world's economy

Time3 2'31''
UNCTAD was trapped into crises due to its language about the continued global financial crisis and recession

Time4 3'31''
Developing countries are excluded within the MIF,MB,G20 and OECD which set rules of global  economy
UNCTAD is the only organization that may grant developing counties supposed similar power ,and it maintained the "finance-led globalization"as the root of crisis and came up with the "development-led globalization"

Time5 2'34''
G77 is a developing countries' alliance and BRICS which joined the G20 are not active in strengthening the negotiation position of G77
A former agent said that UNCTAD should strengthen its role in global economy and his announcement was
supported by Civil Society

Time6 2'49''
Civil Society and its social organizations played a vital role in conference and put pressure on delegates,leading to a tit-for-tat  situation

Obstacle: 3'48''
For south,"business as usual"  is not a favorable advice.--->Analysis on BRICS
What is needed to secure the economic development of south
Three areas are critical :
macroeconomic policies/industry policies/social policies
Conclusion: the significance of south's development.

公元前334

2:53 The purpose, consistency and GSP of UNCTAD.
2:44 Mandating UNCTAD for work on finnancial and related crises is contentious. Because it makes developed contries unhappy, while they would like to keep  the usual rules.
3:15 Why is this fight so important? Big4 is dominated by rich country. B4 maintains the method which bring about the global economic crisis even in its aftermath. UNCTAD offers development-lead globalization insteads of finance-lead one. It didn't sit well many rich countries.
2:23 BRICKs and Civil society support UNCTAD's important mission. Series actions.
2:55 The three day negotiation and the cheering results with rich countries.