【Native Speaker每日综合训练—40系列】【40-07】文史哲 leftover women

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公益申请名额，每月一名  

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Hi~~又到了幸福感最低的周日晚上~~因此这期推出的是怨气满满的剩女主题（leftover women）→_→单身的妹纸统统反省去~90后都算晚婚了好心塞~！！
speaker是cbs关于剩女的专题，里面有对《30岁前别结婚》的作者陈瑜的采访~~
speed是剩女形成的原因探究，里面提到这不是中国独有的问题~~是个世界性的问题呢~~#看到大家都嫁不出去我就安心了#
obstacle说的是剩女现象源于性别的不平等~~字数显然又超了~~别问我为毛这么坑你么~~我把自己也坑了好么~~enjoy~~

Part I: Speaker

Plight of young "leftover women" in China
(CBS News) BEIJING - At a book party in Beijing, American author Joy Chen offered dating advice for Chinese women.

"If (you) are on a date," she said, "presenting how awesome and impressive we are at work might not be the best way to impress a man."
Chen, a former deputy mayor of Los Angeles and a successful businesswoman, is the author of the Chinese language book, "Do Not Marry Before Age 30," in which she urges women to pursue their careers while postponing marriage.

But that can be a risky strategy in China, where single women over 30, and even in their mid- to-late 20s, can find themselves branded as "leftover women."
"When they go to work, people call them leftovers to their face," Chen notes.

She says these women are trapped between the present and thousands of years of Chinese history.

If they're 31 and not married, they're considered over the hill, and that's "a complete travesty!" Chen exclaims. "These women are just women who've been playing by the rules, achieving as they've been taught to achieve since they were little, getting great grades, going off to great schools, getting great jobs."
Then, in their mid-20s, she says, the rules change.

"And then, suddenly, it's like Bammo! Wham! No! Don't achieve -- you don't want to scare the boys. Slow down and jump back into your traditional roles as a wife and a mother."

The problem is, that's not easy.

Katherine Zhou spent her 20s and early 30s working on her career. Now 35, she says she can't get a date, much less a husband. Chinese men, she says, want younger, more subservient wives.

"Maybe a younger girl is more naive and easy-going," Katherine speculates.

She says many men find her intimidating. "I'm quite an independent. Maybe this is one of the reasons a person is afraid to be with me."

Katherine says she learned those qualities from her parents. Until she finds a husband, she's living with them. Which means she feels constant pressure from

her mother, who says at this point, she'd be happy if Katherine married a frog.

"They think I'm too picky!" Katherine laughs.

But she says she's only interested in finding true love. "I believe there's still somebody waiting for me, and that we're just looking for each other!" Katherine says.

But, as a leftover woman, she worries it might be too late -- at the ripe old age of 35.
China's government has even made the term "leftover women" an official part of the language.
Source: CBS Morning News
http://www.cbsnews.com/news/plight-of-young-leftover-women-in-china/
[Rephrase 1, 10:42]

leo688

Part I: Speaker

plight of women

women felt leftover as young as 25

author of 'do not marry before 30'

phenomenon tracked to thousands years ago

girls' life, including education process,changes today; however, 25+ women felt hardly to find true love

gov may adopt the term of leftover, whatgov will do? program rescue

maybe the country focuses on the money toomuch

[Time 2]

1'29

7 yrs experience, 2002-9, made the authorfeel CN entered a modern society.

CN women gain higher status than before andthan these in Indian, open/fashion

[Time 3]

2'05

women fulfill in each corner in CN

the author was always asked where did shefrom, why was she in CN, what did she do for living?

when mentioned her husband worked in BJ, CNpeople felt relax

[Time 4]/[Time 5]

4'45

comparison between CN women and IND womenin terms of education and literacy

CN women gain more 'freedom'

two countries face similar discriminationin feudal period

Chairman Mao emancipated women, a greatforce, release the bundled feet for women

however, the wired man/woman ratio, fuckingone child police

today's women jobless get worse, perhapsthe greater prosperity release women from the work

[Time 6]/[rest]

5'25

market-oriented police lured the country tooverlook some long-term impact

ex Gini, discrepancy between urban andrural

both real estate market and related policeabuse women's deserved right

such as lots of family support only maleoffspring, instead of female ones, to purchase a new house

more family register the husband's name onreal estate license

country encourage women to marry earliervia mainstream media

more felt leftover, even under the wiredmen to women ratio

Part III: Obstacle

7'35

CN mainstream media pressed 27+ women wereleftover

when girls gain better condition byspending more time, actually worse

weird man/woman ratio, boy prefer habitunder one child police, more abortion killed girls

a book of US author reflects thesesituation CN women faced, mentioned above

more women fear to scaring spouse and backdown, a lost to the society

family, parent, prefer to support son,instead of daughter

authority bad police about property ownership,which owned by the name on the license

marital violence, example of LiYang

still long way to go

wangweiyi5332

前排占座~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~··

占座占猛了 闹出笑话了。。


Speaker
In chinese society, there are more and more women who has been called leftover women. These women are person who accept the modern eucation in there childhood that their parents told them that you should be independt and have the ablitily to sportut yourself. that teaching idea is against our traditional idea , causing those women face the marriage problem. In China, excellent men, especially those who are regarded as the right persons who can suit the excellent prefer to find the young girls who are subvient  beautiful and peaceable. And today, chinese women are more picky towards the chinese men. Nowadays, in chinese society people are focus on moeny too much,  especially in the urban areas ,especially the professional women will not marry the men who does not have money.  


Timer2 1:54
Beijing is a jumble of different sense and Chinese woman are empowered a lot.

Timer3 2:33
A Inidan women was treated equally in China but was treated differently by a Indian trader, which reflect the different status of Chinese women and Indian women.

Timer4 2:58
There are more illiterate  women in India than those women in China. China has improved the gender equality a lot.   

Timer5 4:23
感觉看印度人写的文章怎么这么不舒服呢
Timer6 4 :11
There are also other inequalities in China. For instance, the rapid ecomomy has worsened the inequality of different geography and class. A vast majority of women are agreed to register marital property solely in the name of their husbands. They do so for a variety of reasons. Some think that it is part of natural order of things. Some others cannot deal with the bureaucratic hassles involved in registering a property in two names .Still others are depply unhappy at having only their spouses' names on the property deed, but prefer not to pick a fight over this issue, worried about the detrimental effect it will have on their maritial relationship.

Obstacle
A book was writen to encourage leftover women to go into marrige with the concerns about their health.
Although there are many leftover women, there are more leftover men.
The economic change of the Chinese sociey has altered the status of women. More women can pay for a mortage payments, but the authorities often do not confirm their contribution.
Many parents do  buy a marriage house for their male nephew rather than their own daughter because they think buying a marriage house is a duty of spouse, which lead to women have less privilage of home ownership.
China's new laws which require that the propery is owned to the person whose name signed to the property worsened the issue , leading women can be homeless after they disvorced.
the laws is not enough to protect women who suffer the domestic violence.
The fight for gender equality is not yet dead.

ffffionabear

Part II: Speed

The Myth of Leftover Women
By Pallavi Aiyar | Grist Media – Mon 26 May, 2014

[Time 2]
I lived in China for seven years between 2002 and 2009. My first impressions of the capital city, Beijing, were a mosaic of images and scents: dazzling sheaths of glass and chrome that reared up into the sky; the whiff of jasmine rising from steaming cups of tea; old men in Mao jackets taking caged songbirds for evening walks; armies of cranes trundling demolished neighborhoods like mechanical executioners.
The jumble of experiences, both sensory and intellectual, that China presented as it hurtled into the 21st century, were difficult to unpick for someone who was new to the country, militating against easy pronouncements. As an Indian I found it particularly hard to arrive at the black and white portraits of the country that many Westerners painted, instead finding myself immersed in the shades of gray that only those familiar with diverse, poor, geographically mammoth and demographically epic nations can perceive.

But there was one conclusion that appeared to need little qualification: Chinese women were an empowered lot. They seemed to lay claim to public spaces in a way that was impossible in Delhi. They didn’t walk hunched up avoiding eye contact with strangers. They rode bicycles and wore hot pants. Sometimes they loitered aimlessly, laughing up at the sun. They were loud and sassy.
[213 words]

[Time 3]
At zebra crossings people were herded across the road by women traffic cops. I was handed change on crowded buses by women conductors, and taken sightseeing in taxis driven by women. The neighbourhood committee of the area I lived in was staffed by formidable matrons, sporting Chairman Mao coiffures, who could turn errant residents into stone with a glance. At the airport, men were frisked, with businesslike indifference, by female security guards.

In the years I spent traveling to, and reporting from, remote villages across China I felt safe and free of judgment as I checked into hotel rooms and boarded trains. I was asked what I did for a profession, and also about how much I earned. But it was only the odd Indian I encountered who seemed to have an ontological objection to my existence in the country.

“What are you doing here?” I was repeatedly asked. “Um, as I already told you in my email,” I remember explaining patiently to an Indian trader with large China-based operations, “I am a journalist. I write for a newspaper and that is why I want to interview you about your experience doing business in China.” “But, why are you really here,” he’d replied promptly. And so it went until the real anxiety that underlay this line of interrogation came to the fore.
“Where is your Mr? And your papa?” That a young woman could be in China pursuing a career in much the same manner as he was, was so outside of this gentleman’s experience that until I’d established a male relative to whom I was anchored, he’d clung to his “But what are you doing here?” question with terrier tenacity. When I’d finally given in and revealed that my husband worked in Beijing too, the trader’s coiled muscles had visibly relaxed. He’d smiled benignly and switched to Hindi, “To aisai kaho na, beti! (So say that no!)”
[318 words]

[Time 4]
The gap between India and China on gender issues was brought home in a myriad of unexpected ways. I was once accompanying a delegation of businessmen from the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) on a familiarization trip of China, who found themselves at a loss upon discovering that a large number of the officials and entrepreneurs they had meetings fixed with were women. Emergency requests to headquarters in New Delhi had to be sent for gender-neutral supplements to the ties they had brought with them as gifts.

My impressions of China’s gender empowerment were backed up by the data. At the time, the country had an impressively high rate of female labour force participation of around 67 percent, compared to 36 percent for India. Only some 13 percent of women in China were illiterate (with female youth literacy rates at close to 100 percent) compared to well over 50 percent in India (where female youth literacy was only at 68 percent). The data has changed in the intervening years: for the 2008-2012 period female youth literacy in India is at 74.4 percent. The corresponding figure for China is however 99.6 percent. Similarly, for the 2008-2012 period adult literacy rates for women as a percentage of men is only 67.6 percent in India compared to 95.1 percent in China.

The systematic denial of education to women is one of the most insidious atrocities that a society can commit against its own people. Perpetuated over generations, it robs those discriminated against of a belief in their own worth as human beings. Historically, China had hardly been a poster child for gender equality.

Foot binding, the process by which female children had their feet broken and bound to produce tiny feet considered beautiful to men, was only the most visible sign of deep-seated, socially-sanctioned misogyny. The long strides that Chinese women had walked from the days of foot binding certainly set them apart from women in India, yet both countries were deeply patriarchal in timbre. Male preference was strong in both cultures since girl children were seen as belonging to their future husbands, and therefore useless for perpetuating family lines.
[357 words]

[Time 5]
The modern challenging of gender norms in China owed much to the country’s Communist revolution and was part of the rupture with the past that Mao Zedong had aimed to create. Mao famously declared that “women hold up half the sky”, and under his regime women were given the right to divorce and to own land. Foot binding was stamped out and the practice of bride sales and concubinage made illegal. For the first time, people were educated into a formal belief regarding gender equality.

It’s debatable how much the lives of women actually improved under the authoritarian, arguably megalomaniacal, State project that Mao oversaw. The communist party’s boosting of female labour force participation was a utilitarian endeavour aimed at increasing national productivity rather than expanding women’s choices. Women often had to labour in factories or fields, unable to take care of small children who were placed in state-sponsored nurseries. Their foray into the pubic sphere was, moreover, not matched by an expansion of the male role in the private sphere, and they remained largely in charge of all the housework.

The tangible evidence of gender empowerment I saw on Chinese streets was also refuted by the country’s grotesquely askew sex ratio. In China, traditional male preference was compounded by the State’s one child policy, which confined much of the population to a single offspring, leading to a spike in sex-selective abortions. At 117-119 boys for every 100 girls, China’s sex ratio was worse than India’s record of 108-110 boys to every 100 girls.

Desirable physical attributes in women, including minimum height and maximum weight, were an open requirement for many jobs ranging from airline attendants to Olympic Games hostesses. Prostitution, which had been largely wiped out under the communists, was thriving, as any visit to one of Beijing’s dodgier massage parlours was testament to. In a nation where, for decades, even make-up had been condemned as bourgeois and beauty pageants banned as “spiritual pollution”, cosmetic surgery was now booming. Several banks had begun to offer loans to women seeking a new face, so that they could pay for their nips and tucks in easy, monthly instalments.

China’s vaunted female labour force participation was also declining. According to national census data the number of urban women participating in the labour force in 2010 was down to 60.8 percent from 77.4 percent in 1990. But the figures for the female workforce in urban India (already low) were also dropping fast. Many studies have shown that as the income of families increases, it allows women the choice to stay at home. Perhaps China was merely enjoying the result of greater prosperity, which opened up options for women that they had not had under the privations of communism.
[455 words]

[Time 6]
That the market-oriented policies China was in the process of adopting had created new forms of inequality was egregiously obvious, underscored by an ever increasing Gini coefficient (China’s Gini coefficient peaked at 0.491 in 2008), and given tangible manifestation in the juxtaposition of the glittering city skylines and the black-toothed, sunken-eyed migrant workers on whose backs these were built. Much attention, including mine, was focused on the new and deepening disparities of geography (urban vs. rural areas, coastal vs. interior provinces) and class (workers and peasants vs. the new elite of entrepreneurs and businessmen). What escaped sustained scrutiny was the more insidious, but equally damaging, gendered nature of these imbalances.
Leta Hong Fincher, an American journalist-turned-academic’s new book, Leftover Women: The Resurgence of Gender Inequality in China, is a corrective. Fincher demonstrates how women have been shut out of what is “possibly the biggest accumulation of residential real-estate wealth in history”, worth more than $30 trillion in 2013.

As the communist regime liberalized land ownership in the 1990s it set off a property boom which has seen house prices in urban China soar to become some of the most expensive real estate in the world. Much of the wealth accumulation in the country over the past decade and a half owes its origins to the real estate market. But Fincher demonstrates how patriarchal notions underlying property and inheritance have resulted in an exclusion of women from this real estate party.

It is almost impossible for young people to pay for apartments out of earned salaries. Parents therefore contribute substantially to down payments and mortgages for their children. Crucially, Fincher shows, parents overwhelmingly choose to help only male offspring, given the widely accepted notion that a young man needs a property in his name in order to attract a suitable wife. As a norm, daughters are not aided by parents in acquiring homes since it is assumed they will marry a man with a house to his name. Fincher documents numerous instances of women spending their own savings in helping a male cousin to buy property in order to enhance his chances in the marriage market, foregoing their own shot at property ownership.

A vast majority agrees to register marital property solely in the name of their husbands. They do so for a variety of reasons. Some think it is part of the natural order of things. Others cannot deal with the bureaucratic hassles involved in registering a property in two names. Banks in China, for example, do not permit joint bank accounts, so that combined mortgage payments are difficult to make. Still others are deeply unhappy at having only their spouses’ names on the property deed, but prefer not to pick a fight over this issue, worried about the detrimental effect it will have on their marital relationship.
[468 words]

[Rest]
This, despite the fact that women often contribute to down payments and mortgage instalments on apartments out of their salaries. Even if they do not directly pay for mortgages it is common for women’s salaries to be the chief source for groceries and other living expenses. Yet, while the value of property increases exponentially, salaries remain more-or-less constant. Despite participating in the labour force in myriad capacities, women therefore do not become wealthy in the manner of their husbands.

This fact is exacerbated by changes in the law, which Fincher describes as reflecting the broader shifts away from women’s empowerment that economic liberalization has resulted in. A new 2011 interpretation by the Supreme Court of China’s Marriage Law rules that marital property should not be shared equally in the event of a divorce, but each side should keep what is in his, or her, own name. But, given that a vast majority of such property (Fincher estimates this at 70 percent) is solely registered in the husband’s name, women suffer serious and disproportionate financial consequences due to divorce.

The other main contention of Fincher’s thesis has to do with explaining why so many women agree, willingly or reluctantly, to this writing of themselves out of official property deeds. She attributes this phenomenon in large part to a State-led campaign aimed at persuading women to marry early, lest they become “leftover women”. She traces this campaign to a 2007 Xinhua news agency article titled, “Eight Simple Moves to Escape the Leftover Woman Trap” according to which Chinese women were becoming too picky in their choice of husbands, choosing to focus on the “three highs”: high education, professional status and income, rather than on finding a spouse.

In the following years a sustained propaganda campaign, led by State-directed media and women’s organizations, have attempted to pressurize women into early marriage. Fincher links this move to governmental concerns about the potentially destabilizing influence on society from legions of frustrated, unmarried men, that would result from women delaying marriage in a country with an unbalanced sex ratio. She further sees a convergence between the aims of the State and the drivers of the real estate boom, who together promote the dual myths of the idea that a man must have a house before he can marry, and that a woman over the age of 27 is in danger of becoming a “leftover” spinster.

The role that the State plays in promoting the narrative of “leftover women” in China is more unique. However, Fincher is unable to establish how much prevalent attitudes related to gender and marriage are the result of this government propaganda campaign, and how much they merely reflect age-old beliefs that were submerged, but never stamped out, by communism. Some of her speculation about the active collusion between State and real estate interests smacks of conspiracy theories rather than sober research.
[479 words]
Source: Yahoo
https://in.news.yahoo.com/the-myth-of-leftover-women-091025071.html

疏离无罪

占~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
推荐speaker 听正常速度的。。。

Speaker: left women:to old to marry labeled as this so young as 25  a book urge women to pursue career than marriage. The rule on women changes at twentieth. Most schools are having courses about teaching leftover women what to do.One another reason may be that women are more picky,they don't want to marry a man without money

01:38
The view of China from an Indian in China.And he found out that Chinese women were an empowered lot.

01:52
Althought women are doing jobs which are used to be done by male,women are still askes sth about a male relative to whom they were anchored.

01:53
China’s gender empowerment can be showed from the data of literacy rate.China does better in gender quality than India.But male preference was strong in Chinese culture.

02:10
Communist revolution made women have more power.And the high female labour force participation from the policy may just aim to increase national productivity rather than expanding women’s choices.But the gender ration and declining female labour force participation shows that the situation is worsen.

02:10
The gender ineuality is becoming more serious in China.And this fact can be showed more clearly in the most expensive real estate fields in China.

09:29
Since 2007,all kinds of media have aggressively pushed the idea that unmarried urban females over 27 are left women and women without husmand and children are worthless.
Though there are so much focus on left women,actually there are more left men,which may lead to more problems.coercion The social coercion of women into marriage has troubling economic consequences.The high real estate price and sole ownership of the marital property inevitabely give male more power and weaken female's role in a relationship.And this also lead to the declining of female labour participation.Moreover,some parents of young women also fail to support their daughters emotionally and materially.And recent legal developments further undermine women's property rights and Chinese laws also do not have enought rules about domestic violence.The case of Li Yang domestic violence.

ffffionabear

Part III: Obstacle

Leftover Women: The Resurgence of Gender Inequality in China – review
Julia Lovell
The Guardian, Thursday 5 June 2014 07.30 BST

[Paraphrase 7]
Leftover Women should carry a health warning: this book will severely raise your blood pressure. Leta Hong Fincher's subject – researched through statistical analysis, sociological surveys and extensive first-hand interviewing – is the toxic vitality of sexism in China today.

The book's title is drawn from a vile state-sponsored media campaign of the same name, which is designed to browbeat educated, professional women into early marriages in the interests of safeguarding social stability. Since at least 2007, newspapers, magazines, websites and – perhaps most troublingly of all – the All-China Women's Federation (a government organisation founded in 1949 supposedly to defend women's rights) have aggressively pushed the idea that unmarried urban females over 27 are "leftover women". These women may have university degrees and thriving careers but in the eyes of much of the state-controlled media they are essentially worthless without husbands and children. "Do leftover women really deserve our sympathy?" asked one article on the Women's Federation website. "Girls with an average or ugly appearance … hope to further their education in order to increase their competitiveness. The tragedy is they don't realise that, as women age, they are worth less and less, so by the time they get their MA or PhD, they are already old, like yellowed pearls."

Although the Chinese media makes much noise about the country's epidemic of "leftover" single women, there are in fact far more "leftover" Chinese men, due to a traditional preference for sons and sex-selective abortions. By 2012, there were 117.7 boys to every 100 girls. "The continual accumulation of unmarried men of legal marrying age," admits the Communist party's mouthpiece, the People's Daily, "greatly increases the risk of social instability and insecurity." In this context, Hong Fincher writes, single, educated women "threaten the moral fabric … for being free agents, unnatural in failing to perform their duty to give birth to a child and tame a restless man". The openly eugenicist Chinese state is particularly anxious to see educated, "high-quality" women marry, "to produce children with 'superior' genetic makeup".

The social coercion of women into marriage has troubling economic consequences. Because urban women in their mid-20s are indoctrinated to feel already almost on the shelf, they often marry hastily and do not press for economic equality within their marriages. The urban Chinese today are preoccupied with buying a home. In cities such as Beijing and Shanghai, prices have skyrocketed in recent years, resulting in an extraordinary appreciation in real-estate wealth. Working women often contribute their life savings to securing a marital apartment, and siphon their salaries into mortgage repayments. Yet although more than 70% of women help finance the purchase of a marital home, only 30% of such deeds include the wife's name, and their contributions to mortgages are frequently not officially acknowledged. Hong Fincher's research suggests that husbands and inlaws often make women who request property rights within a marriage feel grasping and unreasonable. Consequently, women tend to back down, for fear of scaring off a potential spouse. Sole ownership of the marital property inevitably gives a husband greater power in the relationship, and weakens the woman's bargaining position on financial and domestic issues. At the same time as women have been left out of China's property boom, employment rates for urban women have fallen in the past two decades, from 77.4% to 60.8%. One female graduate whom Hong Fincher interviewed deliberately dropped out of employment in order make herself "less intimidating to suitors".

Some parents of young women also fail to support their daughters emotionally and materially, compared to sons. One father told her daughter that she would not be able to have children after the age of 30. Parents routinely help sons buy their own apartments, but many choose to financially assist a male nephew rather than their own daughter. Chinese parents commonly feel they have no responsibility to buy a house for a daughter; that is the duty of a spouse. As a result, urban Chinese women have lost out badly in the massive growth in private home ownership of the past decade and a half.

Recent legal developments further undermine women's property rights. In 1950, one of the first pieces of legislation enacted by the young People's Republic of China was the New Marriage Law, theoretically guaranteeing women's rights in marriage, divorce and property. In 2011, however, China's supreme court specified that marital real estate "belongs to the person … whose name is on the property deed". Since the majority of property deeds are in the name of men, if a marriage collapses the woman can be left homeless, even if she sank savings and income into financing the property.

The book also highlights the shocking inadequacy of China's laws against domestic violence.

Women are actively discouraged from reporting abuse: wives who go public are accused of "exposing family ugliness" (jiachou buke waiyang). Social institutions that should be protecting vulnerable women – the police, doctors and the Women's Federation – seem to be seriously failing in basic duties of care. One wife whose husband took away her son and beat her publicly was told that she ought to "just put up with it". The police labelled the abuse "family conflict" and told the couple to solve their differences peacefully. A recent analysis of open media coverage of domestic violence revealed that 70 to 80 women had been killed by their partners in the course of just two months. A husband who murdered his wife in 2009 after she had reported domestic violence to the police eight times was given a mere six-and-a-half-year prison sentence for "ill-treatment" of his wife. A 2013 UN study reported that 50% of Chinese men surveyed on intimate partner violence had physically or sexually abused their partner, and that 72% of Chinese rapists suffered no legal consequences. Moreover, Hong Fincher writes, "marital rape is not considered a crime in China". Activists have been campaigning for an effective law on domestic violence for a decade; no legislation has resulted.

Although extremely depressing, the book is also scattered with inspiring life-stories of courageous women who have faced down appalling discrimination. One example is Kim Lee, a US woman who in 2005 married the billionaire entrepreneur Li Yang. For years, she helped develop his business and brought up their three daughters. Throughout this time, she suffered escalating levels of domestic abuse, including Li Yang kicking her in the stomach when she was seven months pregnant. After she finally walked out in 2011 (with head injuries), Lee began a two-year legal battle to prove domestic violence occurred, in which the Chinese legal and medical system blocked her case with successive bureaucratic obstacles, and during which Lee suffered unthinkable stresses in her private and public life. While the case was ongoing, Li Yang (either in text messages or yelling through her locked apartment door) threatened to kill her. At one point, while Lee was riding the Beijing underground with one of her daughters, a man spat at her and screamed, "I hope he beats you to death next time, you American bitch." Yet Lee struggled on – posting pictures of her injuries on Chinese Twitter, appearing on Chinese TV – in the hope of resolving her case, and publicising China's domestic violence epidemic. "This is really an open sore," she has commented. "It's hidden, but it's hurting." Eventually, in a landmark ruling, a Beijing court granted her a divorce on the grounds of domestic violence.

Nonetheless, a women's rights attorney still argued that Li Yang had succeeded in skilfully concealing from the legal process many of his assets; Lee's financial settlement was consequently much too small.

The book ends with profiles of other women who are committed to resisting sexism: female activists and bloggers dedicated to drawing attention to China's deep-seated male chauvinism, and politically neutral professionals who have vowed never to marry, in protest against the political and social oppression of women. "Marriage in China is a living hell," one woman told Hong Fincher. The international press – with headlines such as "China dominates list of female billionaires" and "Women in China: the sky's the limit" – trumpets the egalitarian opportunities that Chinese women enjoy. Leftover Women is a highly sobering corrective to this rosy picture, but also gives faint grounds for hope that the fight for gender equality in China is not yet dead.
[1380 words]
Source:The Guardian
http://www.theguardian.com/books/2014/jun/05/leftover-women-gender-inequality-china

ffffionabear

妈蛋你们起码让我发完啊嘤嘤嘤~~~忧桑的占一个···
----无限感恩~！！进击的阅读小分队~~你的作业（ ￣ー￣）[冷笑]  不，是你的作业~~一天不做，浑身哆嗦~~--------------------------------------
[speaker]这主题做得我好心塞~~！！男人跟恐龙一样灭绝好了╭(╯^╰)╮
The society push you too marry early,at least earlier than you are 27 as a woman.
In a communist society,we all focus on money and income.But professional women who never consider married a man without money are blame to being too picky to be "leftover".
[speed]
1'46
China is a jumble area like India,both sensory an intellectual from a foreigner's view.But chinese women are an exception,they are loud and sassy,doing anything can't do for women in Delhi.
1'50
Now more occupations are ocupied by women,most of them are kind and open-minded,but some are eager to establish a male who need to be anchored by woman.
2'30
Gender empowerment in both China and India is similar:high rate of female labour force and female literacy rates indicate that women's social status have improved.However,male preference was strong in both countries historically.
2'38
The tangible evidence of gender empowerment in China is sex radio.For the one child policy,chinese parents begin sex-selective aboortions,which lead to the number of boys overwhelm that of girls.In addition,the society also make rules for women,such as minium height,maximum weight and beauty criteria,forcing them to so plastic surgery.
3'14
Women make the world's best heyday in real estate industry.As youngsters can never buy house independently,they need parents' help.But chinese parents overwhelmingly choose to help only male offspring,set the female apart.So when it comes to property ownership after marriage,it just make scar of those newly couples' relationship.
3'15
As changes in law,women now lose the financial intention to get married---marry will bring mental and financial damage if they chose to divorce.So the society set a trap of "leftover women",claiming that women who won't get married before 27 will become "leftover".It's a political consideration to avoid depression from unmarried men,since the sex ratio between men and women is so high.
[obstacle]
6'44
main idea:Marriage in China is a living hell,women suffer the risk of domestic violence,marital rape and even being homeless after divorce.
1.inequity of gender:sex-selective abortions,male-oriented culture.Even parents underestimate women's right,claiming that we will devalue as aging.Plus,the only reason why women become "leftover"is that their ugly appearance.(哪只沙文主义的猪说的~~直男癌无误！！)
2.inadequacy of China's laws.No protection of women's right in marriage.Domestic violence just be regarded as "family conflict".
solution:The fight for gender equality never dead.

CatherineTSIM

占位~居然沙发到obstacle前面去了。

菜农人民

Speaker:
Leftover women who are not married at the late mid 20 years are bearing constant pressure. The government try to teach leftover women what they should do. The big problem is that many urban women are too picky

Time2: 1:55
China women were empowered alot```

Time3:2:55
women who do men's jobs also need to be helped

Time4: 3:01
therer aree more women leaders in China than in India, women labor is a important force for chinese economy. But male preference is strong in Chinese.

Time5: 3:49
because of Mao, women have rights and their own lands, a wave is good for gender equality. but male preference is fixed in chinese culture and presents in the new-born babise's gender ratio. More and more women chose to stay at home and take care of their babies.

Time6: 5:10
Gender inequality is more serious in China.

yaomincui

占座 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

speaker
discussion of leftover women
women who are above 25 years old can be called leftover women in china
in BJ, there are lectures about the dating advice for women
Chen wrote a book named do not marry before 30
she said that in China, the family of girls asked them to have good education, good careers but ignore the marriage
it's hard to slow down and get back to the tradition
a 35 years old woman felt much pressure about the marriage and is still waiting for the right man
the meaning of picky: focus on money and career
童鞋们可以打开楼主给的那个链接听常速英语~ 我脚得听处理过的慢速英语好费劲呀。。。

time2
the impression of author when first came to China
women becomes independent and don't avoid the eye contact to strangers

time3
More and more women get jobs such as security guard
the experience of author: the behavior of man and woman

time4
China's empowerment of women is greater than India's
traditional preference for male because they thinks that girls will eventually be married with their husband

time5
gender empowerment is from President Mao
he encourage women to work and own land
but it is not to empower women but to improve the productivity
nowadays the percentage that women attended to work in urban is lower than 2 decades ago
maybe because of the increasing income of the family

time6
the wealth accumulation results from the development of real estate
parents will pay for the down payment of the house for their son but not for their daughter

obstacle(字小我老花了啊……)
introduction of a book about leftover women
lots of leftover women do not worth sympathy because of the ugly appearance
they want to improve their competitiveness through the learning degree but it does not make sense
preference for man;
parents consider obligation to buy house for their son but not for their daughter
marriage law: the property is belongs to the person whose name is signed on the commitment
but the women have financed to repay the rent
the violence of family