Part II: Speed Newfrontiers file://localhost/Users/mac/Library/Caches/TemporaryItems/msoclip/0/clip_image002.png
THE furniture market in Foshan claims to be the biggest in the world. Itboasts a bewildering mix of things to sit on, sleep in and eat at. One shop,named the “Louvre”, offers a range of styles from neoclassical to postmodern,which an assistant defines as a cross between European and modern, suitable for“successful people”.
The market, which sprawls over 3m square metres (32m square feet),showcases the manufacturing powers of Foshan, a city of 7m people in thesouthern province of Guangdong. The city is an archipelago of industrialclusters, dedicated to furniture, textiles, appliances, ceramics and theequipment required to make them. These clusters have produced some of China’smost successful private firms, such as Midea, a maker of household appliances,which began as a bottle-lid workshop, and now employs 135,000 people,generating over $16 billion in revenue in 2012.
Many economists worry that China will succumb to a “middle-income trap”,failing to make the jump from an early stage of growth, based on cheap labourand brute capital accumulation, to a more sophisticated stage, based oneducated workers and improvements in productivity. But no economy, let aloneone the size of China’s, moves in lockstep from one growth model to another.Some regions always outpace others. Provinces like Gansu, in China’snorth-west, are still struggling to wean themselves off state-owned mines andsmokestacks (see article). Other parts of China’s economy arealready comfortably high-income, according to the World Bank’s definition. Forexample, Foshan’s GDP per head was almost $15,000 in 2012, higher than in somemember states of the European Union.
Foshan best represents China’s “emerging economic frontier”, according tothe Fung Global Institute (FGI), a think-tank in Hong Kong. With the help ofresearchers from the National Development and Reform Commission, China’splanning agency, the institute is studying Foshan for clues about the rest ofthe economy’s future.
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[Time 3] Foshan’s example is relevant to other parts of China, it argues. Unlikethe nearby metropolis of Shenzhen, it was never a special economic zone. Unlikeneighbouring Guangzhou, it is not a provincial capital. It also shares many ofthe country’s growing pains. Lacking oil and coal, it is prone to electricityshortages. It is heavily polluted and highly indebted: its government pays 47%of its tax revenues on servicing its liabilities. Wages are going up, land isrunning out, and growth is slowing down. To tackle such problems, China’sCommunist Party endorsed a long list of bold reforms at its long-awaited “thirdplenum” in November. Economists welcomed the list even as they worried thatofficials would fail to implement it. But in China, implementation is often aprocess of gradual diffusion not abrupt transition. Some of the principlesproposed by the plenum are already in practice in Foshan. Some may have beeninspired by it.
The third plenum resolved that the market should play a “decisive” role inthe allocation of resources. In Foshan it already does. In the early 1990sShunde, one of the city’s districts, pioneered the sale of government-backedenterprises to their managers, workers and outside investors. Foshan now hasabout one private enterprise for every 20 residents. In 2012 they grew twice asfast as the remaining state-owned firms.
November’s party plenum also called for private capital to play a biggerrole in public infrastructure. In Foshan over the past nine years thegovernment has allowed private firms to bid for over 500 projects, includingpower generation, water plants, and rubbish-incineration plants, according toLiu Yuelun, the city’s mayor. Ahead of the party’s call to consolidate thestate bureaucracy, Shunde district had already slashed the number of itsdepartments from 41 to 16.
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file://localhost/Users/mac/Library/Caches/TemporaryItems/msoclip/0/clip_image004.png Another national aim is to unify parts of China’s land market, allowingrural land to be leased on similar terms to state-owned urban plots. In the1980s Foshan had already created a shadow market in communal land, whichvillagers leased to budding industrialists, contrary to national law thatreserved such land for rural purposes. Because these land rights weretechnically illegal, many big firms eschewed them. But that made them all thecheaper for scrappy, small firms willing to live in the legal shadows. Thisgrey market allowed Foshan’s industrial clusters to grow organically, accordingto economic logic rather than arbitrary land laws, argues the FGI. It alsoallowed villagers to reap some of the gains of Foshan’s industrial transformation.By 2010, the FGI calculates, the average Foshan resident owned property worthalmost $50,000.
Will Foshan’s experiments inspire nationwide reform? Its lessons sometimesget lost in translation. Shunde’s sales of government-backed firms is one example.It sold its most profitable firms before selling the lossmakers, a strategy itlikened to “marrying off the prettiest daughter” first, according to LindaChelan Li of the City University of Hong Kong. The national government, incontrast, let small, loss-making firms go but clung tight to big, profitableones. These SOEs remain powerful and profitable and all the harder to reform asa consequence.
Foshan’s penchant for experimentation also reflects its unusualadministrative history. Until 2002 two of its districts, Shunde and Nanhai,were cities in their own right. Their governments still collect more revenuesthan the city itself. This allows decentralised—and moreresponsive—decision-making. “When the upper level of government gives moreauthority to subdistricts, they have a stronger sense of responsibility,” saysMayor Liu. In response to the demand of local industry, for example, Shunde districtbuilt an impressive polytechnic, which now teaches 11,000 students. Itsqualifications are not recognised as degrees by the Ministry of Education butthey are highly valued by local employers. A skilled graduate can earn up to6,000 yuan ($990) a month, says Fu Qingju of Keda, an equipment-maker. Thequantity of workers will grow more slowly as migration to Foshan slows, but thequality can always improve. 362 words
[Time 5] Doyou copy? Foshan’s success may prove hard to imitate or to sustain. Its prosperityrests on the benefit that firms derive from proximity to others. But theseclusters are hard to replicate. Why would companies flock to a new cluster whenone already exists? China is dotted with ambitious local governments keen tobuild hubs of high-tech firms and services. Not all of them can succeed.
In addition, when industries cluster in one location, pollution alsoconcentrates in the same spot. Foshan has experienced the stark trade-offbetween industrial growth and environmental protection. In the past thegovernment would approve a new company before the sewerage system was ready tocope. Four of Foshan’s inland rivers are heavily polluted. In 2003 it tightenedenvironmental regulations on its local ceramic firms, an industry withcenturies-old roots in Foshan. Ten years later, fewer than 60 out of 600 firmsremained. The rest did not pollute less. They just polluted elsewhere.Pollution is now a barrier to Foshan’s development, rather than a byproduct ofit. “We understand that our poor environment does not attract talented people,”notes Mr Liu, the mayor. “We want to provide greener lands for them.”
Mr Liu hopes that new, cleaner clusters will supersede its older, dirtierones. The east of the city, which is connected to Guangzhou by underground,hosts a cluster of back-offices for Guangzhou’s finance industry. Foshan isalso building a new cluster dubbed the Sino-German Industrial Services Zone,dedicated to the services that high-end manufacturing requires. The new zonestraddles the Dongping river. One bank represents Foshan’s prosperous, tangiblepresent—a busy port, loading and unloading containers full of manufacturedgoods. On the other bank is Foshan’s vision of its future: a pleasant ribbon ofparkland, decorated with cherry trees, mudflats to attract birds and askate-boarding rink. The park includes a man-made beach and pond, open to thepublic, where up to 2,000 people can bathe.
In the past Foshan’s enterprises made greatleaps by assimilating foreign technology. Its ceramics industry, for example,imported a German oven in 1983 that increased output tenfold. The Sino-Germanzone is an attempt to import something else: not German kit so much as Germancredibility. The international tie-in is a sign of Foshan’s ambition to becomea “liveable” city, attractive to the kind of people that a sophisticatedservice industry needs. Like its furniture, Foshan’s new city aims to besomewhat European, modern and suitable for successful people.
Source: the economist http://www.economist.com/news/china/21593461-fate-chinas-economic-reforms-will-be-determined-locally-our-first-article-looks |