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[阅读小分队] 【每日阅读训练第四期——速度越障20系列】【20-06】文史哲

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发表于 2013-6-9 23:09:33 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
hi, 队友们,周日的文史哲又来咯~~
今天的time1、2是一篇,time3单独一篇,time4-5同一篇;
越障是一个option,第一篇我感觉有点偏题,像是科技而非文史哲,在这里向大家表示道歉...(因为最近考试周临近...);第二篇是关于西藏问题的,是一个美国佬在1998写的,当时全球对西藏的问题存在许多误区(看完第二段我直接怒了!!!),然后这个美国佬就亲自来西藏带了好些年,最后写了这篇文章。选了文章的开头一部分,整篇蛮长的,我在最后将文章所有的小标题罗列了下来,感兴趣的同学可以接着看看哈~~
最后,向所有支援西藏发展事业的同胞们致敬!!!


闲话少说,作业跟上~~~


Part1 Speed



Article 1(Check the title later)
The Evolution of Hand Gestures: Why Do Some Die Out and Others Endure?
And why do we use them at all?

BY JEN DOLL MAY 22 2013, 9:58 PM ET

[TIME1]
Leaving a group of friends the other night, I turned to wave. “Text me!” one of them said, waggling her thumbs in the air. I didn’t need the words to understand. Among my friends, this gesture has supplanted the hand-cradle, pinky to mouth and thumb to ear; the imaginary cups to ear and mouth; and the finger twirling the air, as if dialing a rotary phone.
Today, we may be more likely to move our fingers across a tablet than turn the pages of a book; to swipe a card, press a button, or enter numbers onto a keypad than turn a key. We type on keyboards more often than we put pens to paper, and we roll down the windows of our cars by pressing a button instead of cranking a handle. Yet when it comes to gesturing, certain outdated motions endure.

Gestures can generally be sorted into two categories, according to Spencer Kelly, an associate professor of psychology at Colgate University. “Co-speech gestures” are the idiosyncratic, often unconscious ways we move our hands as we talk. Researchers believe these gestures help us think and speak and even learn. “Emblematic gestures” are the culturally codified motions that we use to supplement or substitute speech—the peace sign, the thumbs-up, the raised middle finger. Some of these gestures are symbolic, and some, as in the case of thumb-texting, are imitative.

As with words, we tend to pick up our hand movements from the groups with whom we communicate most frequently—especially our peers. If your friends are thumb-texting at you, you will thumb-text back at them. Soon enough, Kelly says, “the movement of your thumbs can be done without speech, and people know what it is. That’s the definition of an emblem.”
[words: 292]

[TIME2]
Some emblems are recycled, their meanings changing as cultures evolve. In the bleachers of Roman arenas, the thumbs-up was a sign to kill the gladiator (a thumb pressed on top of a closed fist meant save his life). Anthony Corbeill, a professor of classics at the University of Kansas and the author of Nature Embodied: Gesture in Ancient Rome, suspects that the current American connotation of the gesture developed during the 20th century, when GIs used the thumbs-up to signify that a plane was cleared for takeoff. Other emblems are coined afresh, the result of ubiquitous new technology or the quirks of a public figure. The fist bump, which went viral after Barack and Michelle Obama were photographed in action in 2008, can be traced to the germophobic mid-20th-century baseball player Stan Musial, who is said to have preferred it to the high five.

There’s also the mind-blowing twist that the more advanced our technology becomes, the less we have to move at all—a futuristic reality, signs of which we’re beginning to see with the rise of voice-recognition software. Does this mean that gestures might one day become obsolete? “If the computer can track your eye gaze and know what you’re looking at, you don’t need to make a gesture,” says Jason Riggle, an assistant linguistics professor at the University of Chicago.

Of course, if the primary purpose of gesturing is to help us think, we’ll continue to wave our hands even as we talk to Siri. And as long as the meaning of an emblematic gesture is relevant, the physical antecedent of that gesture may be less so.

“I have a 7- and a 5-year-old, and I’ve seen them use the phone gesture, sticking out the thumb and the pinky,” Riggle says. “Maybe they’ve seen it on old cartoons, but they’ve never been in contact with a phone that’s shaped like that.”
[words: 315]

Source: Theatlantic
http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2013/06/talk-to-the-hands/309315/



Article 2(Check the title later)
This Abandoned Island was Once the Most Densely Populated Place on Earth

By Atlas Obscura | Posted Thursday, May 30, 2013, at 11:24 AM

[TIME3]
Hashima Island, 11 miles off the coast of Nagasaki, is known by two nicknames: "Gunkanjima" (Battleship Island) and "Midori nashi shima" (island without green). The austere brutality conjured by these names is reflected in its appearance -- Gunkanjima is a narrow lump of rock covered in the crumbling remains of a crowded concrete village.

Mitsubishi purchased the island in 1890 to establish a facility for mining undersea coal reserves. In 1916, the first concrete high-rises sprung up on Gunkanjima -- nine-story slabs of gray with cramped rooms and rows of identical balconies overlooking a claustrophobic courtyard. By 1959, over 5,000 coal miners and their families occupied these drab apartments, making the island -- the size of 12 football fields -- the most densely populated place on Earth.

Residents relied on the mainland for deliveries of food and, until 1957, water, but Gunkanjima was otherwise self-sufficient. Schools, playgrounds, cinemas, shops, a hospital, and even brothels operated in the tiny community. There were no motor vehicles or elevators -- steep concrete staircases that connected adjoining buildings were the only means of travel to ninth-floor apartments.

During the 1960s, Japan gradually switched from coal to petroleum for its fuel needs. As a result, coal mines across the country closed. Gunkanjima was no exception. In January 1974, Mitsubishi held a ceremony in the gymnasium to officially close its mining facility. With no reason to live on the island anymore, all residents abandoned their homes for the mainland within two months. Gunkanjima has been uninhabited ever since.

Decades of typhoons, wind, rain, and seawater have caused massive degradation to the monolithic buildings. Wooden planks regularly fall from the disintegrating balcony railings, landing on the piles of crumbled concrete below. Contorted steel beams and rusted iron frames protrude from the walls. Hints of domesticity remain: a teacup; a tricycle; a television manufactured in the 1960s. The only sounds on what was once the world's most crowded place are the whipping wind and crashing waves.
[words: 328]

Source: slate
http://www.slate.com/blogs/atlas_obscura.html




Article 3(Check the title later)
Drowning Doesn’t Look Like Drowning

By Mario Vittone|Posted Tuesday, June 4, 2013, at 7:14 AM

[TIME4]
The new captain jumped from the deck, fully dressed, and sprinted through the water. A former lifeguard, he kept his eyes on his victim as he headed straight for the couple swimming between their anchored sportfisher and the beach. “I think he thinks you’re drowning,” the husband said to his wife. They had been splashing each other and she had screamed but now they were just standing, neck-deep on the sand bar. “We’re fine; what is he doing?” she asked, a little annoyed. “We’re fine!” the husband yelled, waving him off, but his captain kept swimming hard. ”Move!” he barked as he sprinted between the stunned owners. Directly behind them, not 10 feet away, their 9-year-old daughter was drowning. Safely above the surface in the arms of the captain, she burst into tears, “Daddy!”

How did this captain know—from 50 feet away—what the father couldn’t recognize from just 10? Drowning is not the violent, splashing call for help that most people expect. The captain was trained to recognize drowning by experts and years of experience. The father, on the other hand, had learned what drowning looks like by watching television. If you spend time on or near the water (hint: that’s all of us) then you should make sure that you and your crew know what to look for whenever people enter the water. Until she cried a tearful, “Daddy,” she hadn’t made a sound. As a former Coast Guard rescue swimmer, I wasn’t surprised at all by this story. Drowning is almost always a deceptively quiet event. The waving, splashing, and yelling that dramatic conditioning (television) prepares us to look for is rarely seen in real life.

The Instinctive Drowning Response—so named by Francesco A. Pia, Ph.D., is what people do to avoid actual or perceived suffocation in the water. And it does not look like most people expect. There is very little splashing, no waving, and no yelling or calls for help of any kind. To get an idea of just how quiet and undramatic from the surface drowning can be, consider this: It is the No. 2 cause of accidental death in children, ages 15 and under (just behind vehicle accidents)—of the approximately 750 children who will drown next year, about 375 of them will do so within 25 yards of a parent or other adult. In some of those drownings, the adult will actually watch the child do it, having no idea it is happening.* Drowning does not look like drowning—Dr. Pia, in an article in the Coast Guard’s On Scene magazine, described the Instinctive Drowning Response like this:
[words: 435]

[TIME5]
1.“Except in rare circumstances, drowning people are physiologically unable to call out for help. The respiratory system was designed for breathing. Speech is the secondary or overlaid function. Breathing must be fulfilled before speech occurs.
2. Drowning people’s mouths alternately sink below and reappear above the surface of the water. The mouths of drowning people are not above the surface of the water long enough for them to exhale, inhale, and call out for help. When the drowning people’s mouths are above the surface, they exhale and inhale quickly as their mouths start to sink below the surface of the water.
3. Drowning people cannot wave for help. Nature instinctively forces them to extend their arms laterally and press down on the water’s surface. Pressing down on the surface of the water permits drowning people to leverage their bodies so they can lift their mouths out of the water to breathe.
4. Throughout the Instinctive Drowning Response, drowning people cannot voluntarily control their arm movements. Physiologically, drowning people who are struggling on the surface of the water cannot stop drowning and perform voluntary movements such as waving for help, moving toward a rescuer, or reaching out for a piece of rescue equipment.
5. From beginning to end of the Instinctive Drowning Response people’s bodies remain upright in the water, with no evidence of a supporting kick. Unless rescued by a trained lifeguard, these drowning people can only struggle on the surface of the water from 20 to 60 seconds before submersion occurs.”

This doesn’t mean that a person that is yelling for help and thrashing isn’t in real trouble—they are experiencing aquatic distress. Not always present before the Instinctive Drowning Response, aquatic distress doesn’t last long—but unlike true drowning, these victims can still assist in their own rescue. They can grab lifelines, throw rings, etc.
Look for these other signs of drowning when persons are in the water:

Head low in the water, mouth at water level
Head tilted back with mouth open
Eyes glassy and empty, unable to focus
Eyes closed
Hair over forehead or eyes
Not using legs—vertical
Hyperventilating or gasping
Trying to swim in a particular direction but not making headway
Trying to roll over on the back
Appear to be climbing an invisible ladder

So if a crew member falls overboard and everything looks OK—don’t be too sure. Sometimes the most common indication that someone is drowning is that they don’t look like they’re drowning. They may just look like they are treading water and looking up at the deck. One way to be sure? Ask them, “Are you all right?” If they can answer at all—they probably are. If they return a blank stare, you may have less than 30 seconds to get to them. And parents—children playing in the water make noise. When they get quiet, you get to them and find out why.
[words: 488]
Source: Slate
http://www.slate.com/articles/health_and_science/family/2013/06/rescuing_drowning_children_how_to_know_when_someone_is_in_trouble_in_the.html



Part 2 Obstacle



Article 4(Check the title later)
HOW MUCH CONSCIOUSNESS DOES AN IPHONE HAVE?

POSTED BY GARY MARCUS JUNE 6, 2013

[TIME6]
What has more consciousness: a puppy or a baby? An iPhone 5 or an octopus? For a long time, the question seemed impossible to address. But recently, Giulio Tononi, a neuroscientist at the University of Wisconsin, argued that consciousness can be measured—captured in a single value that he calls Φ, the Greek letter phi.

The intuition behind Tononi’s idea, known as the Integrated Information Theory, is that we experience consciousness when we integrate different sensory inputs. According to Tononi, when you eat ice cream, you cannot separate the taste of the sugar on your tongue from the sensation of the melting liquid coating the inside your mouth. Phi is a measure of the extent to which a given system—for example, a brain circuit—is capable of fusing these distinctive bits of information. The more distinctive the information, and the more specialized and integrated a system is, the higher its phi. To Tononi, phi directly measures consciousness; the higher your phi, the more conscious you are.

Over the past few years, the theory has become increasingly influential; it has even been championed by the eminent neuroscientist Christof Koch, a Caltech professor and the chief science officer at the Allen Institute for Brain Science.

There are several reasons to take Tononi’s ideas about phi seriously. Unlike many other theories of consciousness, his gives scientists and philosophers a quantitative way of grappling with the possibility that creatures like mice and cats might have some degree of awareness (though less than humans). The theory also helps explain why certain relatively complicated neural structures don’t seem critical for consciousness. For example, the cerebellum, which encodes information about motor movements, contains a massive number of neurons, but doesn’t appear to integrate the diverse range of internal states that the prefrontal cortex does.

An interesting consequence of the theory, at least as Tononi and Koch have articulated it, is that anything with a phi greater than zero possesses at least a shred of consciousness. By that definition, many organisms, and even some computers, are conscious by virtue of the ways they integrate information.

At least two computer programs exist that would score a relatively high phi, yet it seems unreasonable to call either one “conscious.” IBM’s Watson and Google’s self-taught visual system, which learned to detect cats in images simply by examining millions of stills from YouTube videos (many of which, it turns out, feature cats), would both seem to register a substantial amount of phi because they absorb vast quantities of data. But Watson lacks self-awareness, and while Google’s cat detector can recognize faces and other features, it doesn’t have the slightest idea of what those things mean. It would seem odd to say that it has an experience of “catness” in the way that a human does when he sees a cat. (Tweaking those programs, or simply making them more massive in scale, might ostensibly result in a higher phi, but it’s not clear that it would make them more conscious.)

Meanwhile, phi is ridiculously hard to compute, making it difficult for scientists to fully evaluate the theory behind it. As Tononi says, the value “reflects how much information a system’s mechanisms generate above and beyond its parts.” The only way to quantify it precisely is to consider the exponentially large number of ways a neural system might be arranged, and to compare every possible whole with every conceivable configuration of its parts; the more complicated the system, the harder it is to evaluate.

The upshot is that, even though phi promises in principle to be precise, it can’t actually be used in any workable sense. What is the phi value of the average human brain, with its eighty-six billion neurons? What about a cat’s brain? Tononi and Koch have no idea. There is currently no practical way to calculate those numbers, because an unthinkably large number of possibilities would have to be evaluated. (It is a safe bet that the average person has a higher phi than the average cat, but without doing the insanely demanding calculations, it is hard to say exactly how much higher.)

But even if phi could be accurately assessed, correlation with consciousness would not in itself provide proof of causation. For one thing, a phi value (or any other measure of the way information is integrated and distributed across the mind) could be merely a prerequisite for consciousness, and not necessarily a signal of its presence. It might also be simply correlated with consciousness rather than a measure of it, as the philosopher Ned Block wrote to me in an e-mail. Block suggested that phi is actually a barometer of intelligence rather than of consciousness per se. (And, as Block further notes, consciousness and intelligence can be understood to be decoupled in principle, as in science-fiction stories with super smart machines that are not, in fact, conscious.)

To fully understand what defines consciousness, we need more than a single measure of information flow. We may need to better understand how organisms’ inputs matter, how those organisms ground their experiences in the world, and how intelligence relates, causally, to consciousness itself.

We will also need to understand more about what information percolates in the brain, and where; and about what kind of computations are performed in the course of processing that information. Phi clearly gives us a new way to think about the relationship between information and consciousness, but it is probably too abstract to ever be a complete explanation of consciousness. For that, we will need to understand exactly how our brains are wired.
[words: 928]
Source: NewYorker
http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/elements/2013/06/how-much-consciousness-does-an-iphone-have.html#entry-more





Article 5(Check the title later)
Tibet Through Chinese Eyes

PETER HESSLER FEB 1 1999, 12:00 PM ET

[TIME7]
Many Chinese working in Tibet regard themselves as idealistic missionaries of progress, rejecting the Western idea of them as agents of cultural imperialism. In truth, they are inescapably both.

POLITICAL views on Tibet tend to be as unambiguous as the hard blue dome of sky that stretches above its mountains. In Western opinion, the "Tibet question" is settled: Tibet should not be part of China; before being forcibly annexed, in 1951, it was an independent country. The Chinese are cruel occupiers who are seeking to destroy the traditional culture of Tibet. The Dalai Lama, the traditional spiritual leader of Tibet, who fled to India in 1959, should be allowed to return and resume his rule over either an independent or at least a culturally autonomous Tibet. In short, in Western eyes there is only one answer to the Tibet question: Free Tibet.

For Han -- ethnic Chinese -- who live in Tibet, the one answer is exactly the same and yet completely different. They serve what the Chinese call "Liberated Tibet." Mei Zhiyuan is Han, and in 1997 he was sent by the Chinese government to act as a "Volunteer Aiding Tibet" at a Tibetan middle school, where he works as a teacher. His roommate, Tashi, is a Tibetan who as a college student was sent in the opposite direction, to Sichuan province, where he received his teacher training. Both men are twenty-four years old. They are good friends who live near Heroes Road, which is named after the Chinese and Tibetans who contributed to the "peaceful liberation" of Tibet in the 1950s. This is how Mei Zhiyuan sees Tibet -- as a harmonious region that benefits from Chinese support. When I asked him why he had volunteered to work there, he said, "Because all of us know that Tibet is a less developed place that needs skilled people."  

I went to Tibet to explore this second viewpoint, hoping to catch a glimpse of the Tibet question through Chinese eyes. Before coming to Tibet, I had spent two years as a volunteer English teacher at a small college in Sichuan, which made me particularly interested in meeting volunteer teachers like Mei Zhiyuan. I also talked with other young government-sent workers and entrepreneurs who had come to seek their fortunes, and for four weeks that was my focus, as I spent time in Lhasa and other places where there are large numbers of Han settlers.

Of all the pieces that compose the Tibet question, this is by far the most explosive: the Dalai Lama has targeted Han migration as one of the greatest threats to Tibetan culture, and the sensitivity of the issue is evident in some statistics. According to Beijing, Han make up only three percent of the population of the Tibet Autonomous Region, whereas some Tibetan exiles claim that the figure is in fact over 50 percent and growing. Tibetans see the influx of Han as yet another attempt to destroy their culture; Chinese see the issue as Deng Xiaoping did in 1987, when he said, "Tibet is sparsely populated. The two million Tibetans are not enough to handle the task of developing such a huge region. There is no harm in sending Han into Tibet to help.... The key issues are what is best for Tibetans and how can Tibet develop at a fast pace, and move ahead in the four modernizations in China."

Regardless of the accuracy of the official Chinese view, many of the government-sent Han workers in Tibet clearly see their role in terms of service. They are perhaps the most important historical actors in terms of the Tibet question, and yet they are also the most-often overlooked. Why did they come to Tibet? What do they think of the place, how are they changing it, and what do they see as their role?

Gao Ming, a twenty-two-year-old English teacher, told me, "One aspect was that I knew we should be willing to go to the border regions, to the minority areas, to places that are jianku -- difficult. These are the parts of China that need help. If I could have gone to Xinjiang, I would have, but I knew that Tibet was also a place that needed teachers. That was the main reason. Another aspect was that Tibet is a natural place -- there's no pollution here, and almost no people; much of it is untouched. So I wanted to see what it was like."
Shi Mingzhi, a twenty-four-year-old physics teacher, said, "First, I'd say it's the same reason that you came here to travel -- because it's an interesting place. But I also wanted to come help build the country. You know that all of the volunteers in this district are Party members, and if you're a Party member, you should be willing to go to a jianku place to work. So you could say that all of us had patriotic reasons for coming -- perhaps that's the biggest reason. But I also came because it was a good opportunity, and the salary is higher than in the interior of China."

Talking with these young men was in many ways similar to talking with an idealistic volunteer in any part of the world. Apart from the financial incentive to work in Tibet, many of the motivations were the same -- the sense of adventure, the desire to see something new, the commitment to service. And government propaganda emphasizes this sense of service, through figures like Kong Fansen, a cadre from eastern China who worked in Tibet and became famous as a worker-martyr after his death in an auto accident. Han workers are exhorted to study the "old Tibet spirit" of Kong and other cadres as they serve a region that in the Chinese view desperately needs their talents.

Central to their task is the concept of jianku. I heard this term repeatedly when the Chinese described conditions in Tibet, and life is especially jianku for Volunteers Aiding Tibet, who commit in advance to serving eight-year terms. Most government-sent Han workers fall into the category of Cadres Aiding Tibet -- teachers, doctors, administrators, and others who serve for two or three years. Having graduated from a lower-level college, Mei Zhiyuan could not qualify for such a position, and as a result was forced to make an eight-year commitment. The sacrifice is particularly impressive considering that he assumed it would have serious repercussions on his health. Many Chinese believe that living at a high altitude for long periods of time does significant damage to the lungs, and a number of workers told me that this was the greatest drawback to living in Tibet. "It's bad for you," Mei Zhiyuan explained, "because when you live in a place this high, your lungs enlarge, and eventually that affects your heart. It shortens your life." During my stay in Tibet I heard several variations on this theory (one from an earnest young teacher who was smoking a cigarette), but generally it involved the lungs expanding and putting pressure on the heart. There is no medical evidence to support such a belief; indeed, in a heavily polluted country like China, where one of every four deaths is attributed to lung disease, the high, clean air of Tibet is probably tonic. Nevertheless, this perception adds to the sense of sacrifice, and it is encouraged by the government pay structure, which links salary to altitude: the higher you work, the higher your pay.

The roughly 1,000 yuan ($120) a month that Mei Zhiyuan earns is half what the local cadre teachers make. Even so, his salary is two to three times what he would make as a teacher in rural Sichuan, and he is able to send half his earnings home to his parents, who are peasants. It's good money by Chinese standards but seems hardly a sufficient incentive for a young man to be willing to shorten his life. Leaving before his eight years are up would incur a heavy fine of up to 20,000 yuan -- $2,400, nearly two years' salary, or, for a peasant family like Mei Zhiyuan's, approximately twenty tons of rice.
[words: 1383]

The remaining sub-title list:
The Dream of a Unified Motherland
The Two Sides of Support
Sichuanese on the Frontier
A House Without Pillars?


Source: Theatlantic
http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1999/02/tibet-through-chinese-eyes/306395/


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 楼主| 发表于 2013-6-9 23:09:34 | 显示全部楼层
哈哈,用yingjie斑斑的方法,稳稳保住沙发~~~
谢谢yingjie版主呀 哈哈哈~~
发表于 2013-6-9 23:15:05 | 显示全部楼层
嗨!本来沙发是我的……

1'29''
1'40''
1'49"
2'16"
3'11"

5'52"
7'13''

发表于 2013-6-9 23:21:34 | 显示全部楼层
1 - 01:43
2 - 01:41
3 - 01:59
4 - 02:36
5 - 03:02

obstacle - 05:21
<>The passage introduces a new way to measure and compare the degree of consciousness, Phi. It is related to information.
<>There are several reasons to think of this theory: 1. It is a quantitative way to look at awareness. 2. It helps explain why some seemingly complicated systems are not in fact conscious.
<>By this definition, some softwares are also "conscious". (Google something...) But this fact seems rather strange.
<>This method also have some problems: 1. hard to compute; 2. even if it is precise, it can hardly be of workable use; 3. correlation does not mean causation (may be simply prerequisites rather than signal of presence).
<>More need to be done to understand consciousness, although Phi has offered new perspective.
发表于 2013-6-9 23:21:49 | 显示全部楼层
占座地走起〜Jay同学辛苦了~
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Speed :   2'16''   2'21''   2'52''   3'03''   3'25''
Obstacle: 8'34''
A new way to measure consciousness
---- A scientist defined phi to measure consciousness. The higher is the phi , the more conscious is.
---- The author analysis how to measure consciousness with phi(基本上没看懂)
---- Even though phi can express the higher or lower a feeling is, it is hard to give a exactly number to measure the consciousness is
---- Phi provides a new way to measure consciousness, but there is still a long way to successfully measure consciousness.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
基本上大概的文意看得懂,额,大概的程度是能知道关键词,再详细点对我来说就难了~

发表于 2013-6-9 23:36:29 | 显示全部楼层
首页~~~~楼主辛苦!

______________________________________________
Speed
01:15
01:17
01:24
01:35
02:03

Obstacle
03:46
Main idea: Can consciousness be measured?
Attitude:   Objective
Structure:
                1) Introduction of phi
                2) Reasons why take Tononi's idea seriously
                3) Disadvantages of phi
                4) What we should do


发表于 2013-6-9 23:37:01 | 显示全部楼层
首页卡杂!

1.1'26''
2.1'14''
3.1'46''
4.1'43''
5.1'56''

6.4'47''
7.7'39''

发表于 2013-6-9 23:38:57 | 显示全部楼层
二话不说,先占座
发表于 2013-6-10 06:01:54 | 显示全部楼层
Jay辛苦了~~

2.05
the meanings of gestures

2.09
大拇指的意义
However,gesture可能被取代,reason

2.54

3.21

4.01
发表于 2013-6-10 07:32:14 | 显示全部楼层
占座~~~~~~!!!
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