[原创]sweetdream的复习计划，请大牛指点

Passage 19

Seeking a competitive advantage, some professional service firms(for example, firms providing advertising, accounting, or health care services) have considered offering unconditional guarantees of satisfaction.（给出一个现象：服务行业为提高竞争力而采取的UGS策略） Such guarantees specify what clients can expect and what the firm will do if it fails to fulfill these expectations.（进一步解释UGS策略，可略读）Particularly with first-time clients, （Particularly怪词，限定范围，出题点）an unconditional guarantee can be an effective（正评价＋） marketing tool（判断句，作者对UGS的评价为有限制的＋） if the client is very cautious, the firm’s fees are high, the

negative consequences of bad service are grave, or business is difficult to obtain through referrals and word-of-mouth.（四项小列举，很可能出EXCEPT题）

However, （强转折，出题点）an unconditional guarantee can sometimes Hinder（负评价－） marketing efforts. With its implication that failure is possible, the guarantee may,  paradoxically（怪词，出题点，看后面的内容，为何‘矛盾’）, cause clients to doubt the service firm’s ability to deliver the promised level of service.（UGS的不利之处） It may conflict (－) with a firm’s desire to appear sophisticated, or may even suggest that a firm is begging for business.（进一步说明不利，可暂略读） In legal and health care services（具体举例，可能有题）, it may mislead (－) clients by suggesting that lawsuits or medical procedures will have guaranteed outcomes. Indeed, （怪词，出题点，后面的内容要仔细看）professional service firms with outstanding reputations and performance to match have little to gain from offering unconditional guarantees. And any firm that implements an unconditional guarantee without undertaking a commensurate commitment to quality of service is merely (－) employing a potentially costly (－) marketing gimmick (－).

Passage 20

Although （强转折，作者的重点在后半部分）genetic mutations in bacteria and viruses

can lead to epidemics, some epidemics are caused by

bacteria and viruses that have undergone no significant

genetic change　（一种现象的两种解释，重点在后一种解释）. In analyzing （分析）the latter （作者主要准备讨论后者）， scientists have

(5) discovered the importance of social and ecological fac-

tors to epidemics. Poliomyelitis, for example, emerged

as an epidemic in the United States in the twentieth

century; by then, modern sanitation was able to delay

exposure to polio until adolescence or adulthood, at

(10) which time polio infection produced paralysis. Previ-

ously, infection had occurred during infancy, when it

typically provided lifelong immunity without paralysis.

Thus, the hygiene that helped prevent typhoid epidemics

indirectly fostered a paralytic polio epidemic. Another

(15) example is Lyme disease, which is caused by bacteria

that are transmitted by deer ticks. It occurred only spo-

radically during the late nineteenth century but has

recently become prevalent in parts of the United States,

largely due to an increase in the deer population that

(20) occurred simultaneously with the growth of the suburbs

and increased outdoor recreational activities in the

deer’s habitat. Similarly, an outbreak of dengue hemor-

rhagic fever became an epidemic in Asia in the 1950’s

because of ecological changes that caused Aedes aegypti,

(25) the mosquito that transmits the dengue virus, to proliferate

The stage is now set in the United States for a

dengue epidemic because of the inadvertent introduction

and wide dissemination of another mosquito, Aedes

albopictus.

Passage 21

Two modes of argumentation (两种模式，很可能是对比) have been used on

behalf of women’s emancipation in Western societies.

Arguments in what could be called the “relational”　（名词提炼为RF或R）

feminist tradition maintain the doctrine of “equality in

(5) difference,” （R的主要观点，如果不明白，在后面找详细解释）or equity as distinct for equality. They

posit that biological distinctions between the sexesresult in a necessary sexual division of labor （读到这里就可以了，灰色部分可暂时略读）in the

family and throughout society and that women’s pro-

creative labor is currently undervalued by society, to

(10) the disadvantage of women. By contrast（进一步说明文章在对比这两种模式）, the individualist feminist (名词首字母提炼为IF或I) tradition emphasizes individual human rights

and celebrates women’s quest for personal autonomy,

while downplaying the importance of gender roles （I的主要观点，可能有题要比较R和I的不同观点）and

minimizing discussion of childbearing and its attendant

(15) responsibilities.

Before (时间状语引出‘对比’，出题点) the late nineteenth century, these views

coexisted within the feminist movement, often within

the writings of the same individual. Between 1890 and

1920, however(强转折，出题点，取非题), relational feminism, which had been the

(20) dominant（过去时态――到1890年之前均dominant＋） strain in feminist thought, and which still pre-

dominates among European and non-Western feminists,

lost ground（一般过去时，1890－1920年间不流行－） in England and the United States. Because（强因果，出题点）

the concept of individual rights was already well estab-

lished in the Anglo-Saxon legal and political tradition,

(25) individualist feminism came to predominate in English-

speaking countries. At the same time, the goals of the

two approaches began to seem (并非真的相冲突) increasingly irreconcilable.

Individualist feminists began to advocate a totally

gender-blind (－带负评价的自由褒贬词) system with equal rights for all. Relational

(30) feminists, while agreeing that equal educational and

economic opportunities （R与I的共通处，出题点）outside the home should be avail-

able for all women, continued to emphasize women’s

special contributions to society as homemakers and

mothers; they demanded special treatment

(35) including protective legislation for women workers,

state-sponsored maternity benefits, and paid compensa-

tion for housework.

Relational arguments have a major pitfall（讲R的缺陷）: because（特殊符号冒号、because强因果同时出现，很可能有题，缺陷所在）

they underline women’s physiological and psychological

(40) distinctiveness, they are often appropriated by political

adversaries and used to endorse male privilege (缺陷所在). But (强转折) the

individualist approach, by attacking gender roles, deny-

ing the significance of physiological difference, and

condemning existing familial institutions as hopelessly

(45) patriarchal, has often simply treated as irrelevant (I也有不妥) the

family roles important to many women. If the individu-

alist framework, with its claim for women’s autonomy,

could be harmonized with the family-oriented concerns

of relational feminists, a more fruitful model for con-

(50) temporary feminist politics could emerge.（作者评价，两模式各有优缺点，最好能取长补短，注意虚拟语态，很可能出题）

Passage 22

The new (新老对比) school of political history that emerged in the 1960’s and 1970’s sought to go beyond the traditional focus of political historians on leaders and government institutions by examining directly the political practices of ordinary citizens. Like (新老的共通处) the old approach, however, this new approach excluded women. The very techniques these historians used to uncover mass political behavior in the nineteenth-century United State – quantitative analyses of election returns, for example – were useless(－负评价，以上两个ph均不好) in analyzing the political activities of women, who were denied the vote until 1920.

By redefining “political activity,” historian Paula Baker has developed a political history that includes women. （又一个新方式，includes women――填补了上两个ph群体的不足，虽然没有评价，但对比取非可得＋评价）She concludes that among ordinary citizens, political activism by women in the nineteenth century prefigured trends in twentieth-century politics. Defining “politics” as “any action taken to affect the course of behavior of government or of the community,” Baker concludes that, while voting and holding office were restricted to men, women in the nineteenth century organized themselves into societies committed to social issues such as temperance and poverty. In other words, Baker contends, women activists were early practitioners of nonpartisan, issue-oriented politics and thus were more interested in enlisting lawmakers, regardless of their party affiliation, on behalf of certain issues than in ensuring that one party or another won an election. In the twentieth century, more men drew closer to women’s ideas about politics and took up modes of issue-oriented politics that Baker sees women as having pioneered.